Friday, November 30, 2007

Martin Luther's Reactions at the News of the Death of Zwingli, and the Martyrdoms Under Henry VIII, of St. Thomas More and St. John Fisher

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The heroic, inspiring stories of St. Thomas More (1478-1535) and St. Thomas Fisher (1469-1535; the only bishop in England who resisted Henry VIII's tyranny and butcheries) are well known, so I won't recount them here. Huldreich Zwingli (1484-1531) was Luther's fellow Protestant "reformer", who differed from him especially on the question of the nature of the Eucharist; holding to mere symbolism, whereas Luther accepted the Real (Substantial) Presence.

Protestant historian Philip Schaff has written about Luther's hostility towards Zwingli:
His disgust with the radicalism and fanaticism of Carlstadt and Münzer, his increasing bodily infirmities, and his dissatisfaction with affairs in Wittenberg (which he threatened to leave permanently in 1544), cast a cloud over his declining years. He had so strongly committed himself, and was so firm in his convictions, that he was averse to all further changes and to all compromises. He was equally hostile to the Pope, whom he hated as the very antichrist, and to Zwingli, whom he regarded as little better than an infidel.

The deepest ground of Luther's aversion to Zwingli must be sought in his mysticism and veneration for what he conceived to be the unbroken faith of the Church. He strikingly expressed this in his letter to Duke Albrecht of Prussia (which might easily be turned into a powerful argument against the Reformation itself). He went so far as to call Zwingli a non-Christian (Unchrist), and ten times worse than a papist (March, 1528, in his Great Confession on the Lords Supper). His personal interview with him at Marburg (October, 1529) produced no change, but rather intensified his dislike. He saw in the heroic death of Zwingli and the defeat of the Zurichers at Cappel (1531) a righteous judgment of God, and found fault with the victorious Papists for not exterminating his heresy (Wider etliche Rottengeister, Letter to Albrecht of Prussia, April, 1532, in De Wette's edition of L. Briefe, Vol. IV. pp. 352, 353). And even shortly before his death, unnecessarily offended by a new publication of Zwingli's works, he renewed the eucharistic controversy in his Short Confession on the Lord's Supper (1544, in Walch's edition, Vol. XX. p. 2195), in which he abused Zwingli and Oecolampadius as heretics, liars, and murderers of souls, and calls the Reformed generally 'eingeteufelte [ἐνδιαβολισθέντες], durchteufelte, überteufelte lästerliche Herzen und Lügenmäuler.' No wonder that even the gentle Melanchthon called this a 'most atrocious book,' and gave up all hope for union (letter to Bullinger, Aug. 30, 1544, in Corp. Reform. Vol. V. p. 475: 'Atrocissimum Lutheri scriptum, in quo bellum περὶ δείπνου κυριακοῦ instaurat;' comp. also his letter to Bucer, Aug. 28, 1544, in Corp. Reform. Vol. V. p. 474, both quoted also by Gieseler, Vol. IV. p. 412, note 38, and p. 434, note 37). But it should in justice be added, first, that Luther's heart was better than his temper, and, secondly, that he never said a word against Calvin; . . .

(The Creeds of Christendom, Vol. I, 1877, revised by Philip Schaff: 5th edition in 1884; this is the 6th edition from 1931; Chapter Six, section 45; p. 260 [online link] )
Likewise, John S. Oyer observes:
Luther . . . believed firmly that the judgment of God was not reserved entirely for the hereafter. Some of the devil's human agents felt the wrath and judgment of God in the form and manner of their deaths on earth. He had earlier used the death of Muntzer as a sign of God's judgment. So also was the execution of the Anabaptists and the death of Zwingli.

[footnote: Letter to Prince Albert of Prussia, 1532, WA, XXX, Part 3, 550]

(Lutheran Reformers Against Anabaptists, Paris, Arkansas: The Baptist Standard Bearer, 2001; originally published: The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1964, p. 134 [online link] )
Here are some very telling excerpts from the aforementioned letter of Luther's:
And recently God has notably punished the poor people of Switzerland, Zwingli and his followers, for they were hardened and perverted, condemned of themselves, as St. Paul says. They will all experience the same.

Although neither Munzerites nor Zwinglians will admit that they are punished by God, but give out that they are martyrs, nevertheless we, who know that they have gravely erred in the sacrament and other articles, recognize God's punishment and beware of it ourselves. Not that we rejoice in their misfortune, which is and always has been a sorrow to our hearts, but we cannot let the witness of God pass unnoticed. We hope from the bottom of our hearts that they are saved, as it is not impossible for God to convert a man in a moment at his death; but to call them martyrs implies that they died for a certain divine faith, which they did not. We do not send criminals whom we execute to hell, but we do not for that reason make martyrs of them.

. . . We must believe that this is a chastisement of God, of which they cannot boast . . .

Wherefore I warn your Grace, and beg that you will avoid such people and not suffer them in your land. . . . for if you allow any to teach against the long and unanimously held doctrine of the Church when you can prevent it, it may well be called an unbearable burden to conscience. . . . For we must not trifle with the articles of faith so long and unanimously held by Christendom . . .

(Preserved Smith, The Life and Letters of Luther, Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1911, 291-292; letter from Wittenberg, "February or beginning of March, 1532 [online link] )
Luther's general thought on the question of execution of heretics was expressed in a statement from his Home-Postils in 1533:
[T]he worldly authorities bear the sword with orders to prevent all scandal, so that it may not enter and inflict harm. But the most dangerous and horrible scandal is where false doctrine and worship penetrates . . . They (i.e., State officials) must resist it (i.e., such scandal) stoutly, and realize that nothing else will avail save their use of the sword and of the full extent of their power in order to preserve the doctrine pure and the worship clean and undefiled.

(in Erasmus and Luther: Their Attitude to Toleration, Robert H. Murray, London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1920, p. 274; [online link] documentation of German primary sources in the footnotes; parentheses in this work)
Thus, in accordance with this mentality of secular states executing persons because of their religious beliefs (and in light of his thought about Zwinglians and God's judgment), we see his chilling reaction to the martyrdoms of St. Thomas More and St. John Fisher:
The fierceness of his zeal was blinding him increasingly. He rejoiced at the death of those rare spirits, Sir Thomas More and Bishop Fisher, in 1535. His joy arose in part from the circumstance that the latter had just been created a member of the Sacred College. "Oh, that our Right Reverend Cardinals, Popes and Roman Legates," he wrote, "had more kings of England to destroy them."

(Ibid., p. 274)
This lovely sentiment was expressed in a letter to Philip Melanchthon in the beginning of December 1535. It is reprinted in LW, Vol. 50: Letters III, 113-117 [see online link]. Luther opines (p. 115):
It is quite easy for someone who knows what kind of traitors, thiefs, robbers, and even devils the most reverend lord cardinals, popes, and their ambassadors are, to have second thoughts. I wish there would be more kings of England who would slay them.

[Footnote 9 mentions the editor's opinion that this statement might relate to St. John Fisher's execution; cf. similar citation in Hartmann Grisar, Martin Luther: His Life and Work, Westminster, Maryland: Newman Press, 1950, p. 415; he provides some of the original Latin from primary source Briefwechsel, Vol. X, p. 275: "Utinam haberent plures reges Angliae, qui eos occiderent"]

Philip Melanchthon in 1530 Longs For the Return of the Jurisdiction of Catholic Bishops / His Agonized Tears Over Protestant Divisions and Dissensions

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[Melanchthon's own words will be in blue throughout]

Martin Luther's successor Philip Melanchthon (1497-1560) was (contrary to widespread Protestant antipathy to hierarchical Church government) willing to revive the jurisdiction of Catholic bishops in negotiations at the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. This is documented by many historians. For example, note his letter to Cardinal Campeggio, of 4 August, 1530:
For this reason I have often shown that if a few things were kept in the background, these divisions could be healed. In my opinion it would contribute very much to the quiet of the Church and to the dignity of the Roman See, to make peace on the conditions which I have mentioned. For also our priests should in turn render obedience to the bishops. Thus the Church would unite again in one body, and the Roman See would have its own honour, so that, if anything wrong remains in the churches, it can gradually be corrected by the care of the bishops. It is also our earnest desire to be freed from these contentions, that we may give our whole attention to the diligent improvement of doctrine. And unless this be done, wise men can easily foresee what, amid so many sects, will come upon posterity. And in this matter it is easy to see how indifferent those are whom you now oppose to us. Yesterday the Confutation of our Confession was read. If it shall be published, condemning us, believe me it will not have great admiration among judicious men, and will irritate the minds of ours. Thus there is danger that by the renewal of this whole tragedy, greater commotion than ever will ensue. Hence I desire that these evils of the Church be not increased in virulence. Therefore I beg you to indicate to me in a few words, whether you have spoken with your Reverend Master about those conditions, and what hope he will hold out. If I can obtain anything favourable I will take care that the Roman See may not repent its kindness. The feelings and desires of many good men are united in this matter, who will do all they can to enlarge the authority of the bishops and to establish the peace of the Church.

(Philip Melanchthon: The Protestant Preceptor of Germany, James William Richard [Lutheran], New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1898, 213 [online link] )
Biographer Richard continues:
He is willing that the government of the Pope, and of the bishops, shall remain for the sake of unity throughout the world, provided they do not abuse their authority
by suppressing sound doctrine.

(Ibid., 221-222)
These Articles, because they were laid before the convention at Schmalkald in February, 1537, are known as the Schmalkald Articles. They are the most positive and antipapal of all the Lutheran Confessions, and are in effect a declaration of war against Rome. Melanchthon, influenced by his love of peace, and by his preference for a Church government independent of the State, subscribed with the following qualifications:
"I, Philip Melanchthon, regard the foregoing articles as right and Christian. But of the Pope I hold that if he will permit the Gospel, the government of the bishops which he now has from others, may be jure humano also conceded to him by us, for the sake of peace and the common tranquillity of those Christians who are, or may hereafter be under him."
(Ibid., 261)
Melanchthon also expressed the same thing (lest we think his "offer" was only in the context of conciliation and diplomacy) to his very close -- perhaps best -- friend, Joachim Camerarius, in a letter of August 31, 1530:
Melanchthon, on the other hand, still adhered to the position which he had occupied in the compromise discussions at Augsburg, whence, e.g., he wrote to Camerarius, August 31, 1530: "Oh, would that I could, not indeed fortify the domination, but restore the administration of the bishops. For I see what manner of church we shall have when the ecclesiastical body has been disorganized. I see that afterwards there will arise a much more intolerable tyranny [of the princes] than there ever was before." (C.R. 2, 334)

(from: Historical Introductions to the Symbolical books of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, by F. Bente, section 70 [online link]; published in: Triglot Concordia: The Symbolical Books of the Ev. Lutheran Church: St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1921)
Catholic biographer of Luther, Hartmann Grisar notes the same letter:
He himself, as early as Aug. 31, 1530, had foretold, "that, later, a far more insufferable tyranny would arise than had ever before been known," viz. the tyranny due to the interference of the Princes in whose hands the power of persecution had been laid. Hence his exclamation: "If only I could revive the jurisdiction of the bishops! For I see what sort of Church we shall have if the ecclesiastical constitution is destroyed." 3 As we know, he was anxious gradually to graft the old ecclesiastical constitution on Luther's congregations.

[footnote 3: To Camerarius, "Corp. ref.," 2, p. 334]

(from: Luther, translated by E.M. Lamond, edited by Luigi Cappadelta, six volumes, London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1917; Vol. VI, 270 [online link] )

["C.R." = Corpus Reformatorum, a collection of primary early Protestant sources in Latin, French, and German, edited by Karl Gottlieb Bretschneider in Halle starting in 1834]
http://www.johanneswerk.de/uploads/pics/Melanchthon_2_220.jpg

Historian Philip Schaff mentioned this belief of Melanchthon's, on p. 33 of his History of the Christian Church, Vol. VII (Chapter One; § 10):
The transfer of the episcopal and papal power to the head of the state was not contemplated by the Reformers, but was the inevitable consequence of the determined opposition of the whole Roman hierarchy to the Reformation. The many and crying abuses which followed this change in the hands of selfish and rapacious princes, were deeply deplored by Melanchthon, who would have consented to the restoration of the episcopal hierarchy on condition of the freedom of gospel preaching and gospel teaching.

. . . The controversies among the Protestants in the sixteenth century roused all the religious and political passions and cast a gloom over the bright picture of the Reformation. Melanchthon declared that with tears as abundant as the waters of the river Elbe he could not express his grief over the distractions of Christendom and the "fury of theologians."
Also, in the same volume, Chapter Five, § 76:

The Protestant sovereigns became supreme bishops in their respective dominions. They did not preach, nor administer the sacraments, but assumed the episcopal jurisdiction in the government of the Church, and exercised also the right of reforming the Church (jus reformationis) in their dominions, whereby they established a particular confession as the state religion, and excluded others, or reduced them to the condition of mere toleration. This right they claimed by virtue of a resolution of the Diet of Speier, in 1526, which was confirmed by the Peace of Augsburg, 1555, and ultimately by the Peace of Westphalia, 1648. The Reformers regarded this secular summepiscopate as a temporary arrangement which was forced upon them by the hostility of the bishops who adhered to the Pope. They justified it by the example of Josiah and other pious kings of Israel, who destroyed idolatry and restored the pure worship of Jehovah. They accepted the protection and support of the princes at the sacrifice of the freedom and independence of the church, which became an humble servant of the state. Melanchthon regretted this condition; and in view of the rapacity of the princes, and the confusion of things, he wished the old bishops back again, and was willing even to submit to the authority of a pope if the pope would allow the freedom of the gospel. In Scandinavia and England the episcopal hierarchy was retained, or a new one substituted for the old, and gave the church more power and influence in the government. [my emphases]

Again, in his Vol. VIII, Chapter 18, § 164, Schaff refers to Melanchthon's lament over divisions:
Melanchthon left this world at his own home (1560), like Calvin; his last and greatest sorrow was the dissensions in the Church for which he could shed tears as copious as the waters of the Elbe. He desired to die that he might be delivered first of all from sin, and also from "the fury of theologians."
The latter sentiment from Melanchthon appeared in a letter to Thomas Cranmer in March 1548:
[H]e wrote to Cranmer, lamenting the plight of the church, 'buffeted as she is with divisions and strife', and lamenting that she would be buffeted still further if her leaders failed to agree. These calamities, he wrote, brought such sorrow and a 'greater flood of tears than the waters of our Elbe or your Thames', all these different theories and all this wrangling, and all the while the true teaching of the ancient church is disregarded.

(Philip Melanchthon and the English Reformation, John Schofield, Ashgate Publishing, 2006, 156 [online link] )
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I had seen (an cited previously) another rendering of this same statement (or at any rate, the same essential thought) in a Catholic book:
All the waters of the Elbe would not yield me tears sufficient to weep for the miseries caused by the Reformation.

(in John L. Stoddard, Rebuilding a Lost Faith, New York: P.J. Kenedy & Sons, 1922, 88 / Epistles, Book 4, Ep. 100)
Both Melanchthon and Luther were intensely disturbed and disgusted by divisions in Protestantism (though they never seemed to concede that the Protestant -- Lutheran -- first principles of private judgment and sola Scriptura played a key role in the ensuing divisions).

Courtesy of the fine research work of blog contributor Ben M., I now can post more extensive portions of Melanchthon's letter to Thomas Cranmer (dated "about April 1, 1548"):
[T]he letter of his son Jonas arrived, in which he relates to me a certain conversation of yours, on a Question, by no means obscure, but which has severely shaken the Churches, and will shake them still more severely, because those who bear rule do not seek for true remedies in so momentous a matter.

I do not, however, desire in this letter to do any thing more than express my grief, which is so great, that it could not be exhausted, though I were to shed a flood of tears as large as our Elbe or your Thames.

You see what a multitude of explanations have been elaborated in former times, and are elaborated at this day; because a simple and sincere [appeal to] antiquity is neglected . . .

I could have wished (as I wrote in a former letter) both with regard to this question and some other matters, that a Summary of necessary doctrine might be publicly set forth, without any private feeling; after the deliberations and decisions of pious and learned men, brought together for the discussion of those matters: so that no ambiguities should be left to posterity, as an apple of discord.

The Council of Trent makes its crafty Decrees, in order to protect its errors by ambiguous expressions. Such sophistry ought to be far away from the Church. There is not the least absurdity in true things being proposed in right words: both the goodness of the matters themselves, and their perspicuous enunciation, would invite the attention of upright minds in every part of the world.

(Gleanings of a Few Scattered Ears During the Period of the Reformation in England, George Cornelius Gorham [Anglican], London, 1857 [online link], pp. 42-44; brackets in original; my emphases)
In a second letter to Cranmer on May 1st, Melanchthon reiterates:
. . . I hope, and desire to urge, that you will put forth a true and perspicuous Confession on the whole body of doctrine, the judgments of learned men having been compared, and their names being subscribed to it; in order that an illustrious testimony of doctrine, delivered with grave authority, may be extant among all nations, and that posterity may have a rule to follow. . . .

Far better it is, in the Church, to call a spade, a spade, than to throw ambiguous expressions before posterity; as in mythology it is said that the apple of strife was thrown before the Goddesses seated at a banquet. If there had been a clear consent among our Churches in Germany, we should not have fallen into these miseries.

(Ibid., 44-46; quote from p. 45; my emphasis)
John Calvin wrote a similar letter to John Knox (dated 23 April 1561):
It grieves me exceedingly, that your noble men are torn asunder by intestine dissensions. It is not unreasonable that you should be more vexed and distressed by the internal workings of Satan, than you have hitherto been by the attacks of the French.

(Ibid., p. 418)
Protestant historian Philip Schaff, in his biographical study of Melanchthon, cites another very similar sentiment (unfortunately undocumented) -- the "as many tears as the river Elbe" motif --, from Melanchthon's "last days":
Add to these public calamities and personal attacks the growing weakness and sickness of the body, and various domestic bereavements, and we need not wonder that the last years of Melanchthon were years of grief and sorrow rather than of joy and pleasure. He experienced the full measure of that melancholy which cast its shade over the closing scenes of Luther, and many other great and good men. He often prayed to be delivered from the "fury of theologians" (rabies theoloyorum).

His personal sufferings, however, did not affect him near as much as his care for the Church. He uttered the noble sentiment: "If my eyes were a fountain of tears, as rich as the river Elbe, I could not sufficiently express my sorrow over the divisions and distractions of Christians." His heart and soul longed and prayed, in unison with the spirit of his divine Master, that all believers "may be perfected into one," even as He and the Father are one (John xvii. 23).

(Saint Augustin, Melanchthon, Neander: Three Biographies, New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1886, 121 [online link] )
Presumably, this statement, dating from our subject's last days, must be dated around 1559-1560, which means that it is distinct from the utterance to Cranmer in 1548. This, in turn, means that it was a more or less general ongoing opinion of Melanchthon's, concerning Protestant division, as opposed to a momentary despairing.

Thus, Melanchthon, Luther, and Calvin were all quite distressed about the increasing sectarianism of their time, whereas many Protestants today think it is a big non-issue that there are many sects, as long as they agree on so-called "central doctrines." That has become a necessary development, in light of the inability of historic Protestantism to bring about doctrinal and ecclesial unity, except in cases of denominations becoming so liberal that they can unite with others similarly "heterodox" (from a denominational perspective).

See the related papers:

Philip Melanchthon's Agony Over the Sectarianism of Early Protestantism / Little-Known Derivation of the Term "Protestant"

Dialogue: John Calvin's Letter to Philip Melanchthon Concerning Protestant Divisions: Its Nature, Intent, and Larger Implications

Thursday, November 29, 2007

Marvelous DVD / Audio / Written Catholic Conversion Resources / Recent Lutheran Converts to Catholicism and Orthodoxy

[ThisIsTheFaith.jpg]


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Audio files of the EWTN series, The Journey Home, are available to listen to for free, at EWTN. Here's another page that categorizes the audio files differently.

Or you can purchase audio and video archives of the show (mixture of DVDs, CDs, and VHS).

EWTN currently offers DVDs of 119 shows of The Journey Home. Here is another purchase page that categorizes the shows by year.

* * * * *

Tim Cooper of This is the Faith database (that I have advertised on this blog) has compiled (for free use) an amazing list of over 750 conversion stories: most in audio and some in written form. The really cool and unique thing about it is that it the stories are categorized by former belief.

For more resources, see my Conversion & Converts (Catholic) page.

* * * * *

Lutheran scholar Carl E. Braaten has recently written about a spate of recent Catholic converts, coming out of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (my emphases added):

I am writing out of a concern I share with others about the theological state of affairs within the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America. The situation might be described as one of "brain drain." Theologians who have served Lutheranism for many years in various capacities have recently left the ELCA and have entered the Roman Catholic Church or the Orthodox Church in America.

Why?

When Jaroslav Pelikan left the ELCA and became a member of the OCA, I felt it was not terribly surprising. After all, he had been reading and writing about the Fathers of Eastern Orthodoxy for so many years, he could quite naturally find himself at home in that tradition, without much explanation. A short time before that Robert Wilken, a leading patristics scholar teaching at the University of Virginia, left the ELCA to become a Roman Catholic. Then other Lutheran theological colleagues began to follow suit. Jay Rochelle, who for many years was my colleague and the chaplain at the Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago joined the Orthodox Church. Why? Leonard Klein, pastor of a large Lutheran parish in York, Pennsylvania, and former editor of Lutheran Forum and Forum Letter, last year left the ELCA to study for the Roman Catholic priesthood. Why? This year Bruce Marshall, who taught theology for about fifteen years at St. Olaf College and was a long-standing member of the International Lutheran-Orthodox Dialogue, has left the ELCA to enter the Roman Catholic Church. Why? David Fagerberg, formerly professor of religion at Concordia College, although coming from a strong Norwegian Lutheran family, left the ELCA for the Roman Catholic Church, and now teaches at the University of Notre Dame. Reinhard Huetter, a German Lutheran from Erlangen University, came to the Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago fifteen years ago to teach theology and ethics, now teaches at Duke Divinity School, and this year became a Roman Catholic. Why? Mickey Mattox, a theologian who recently served at the Lutheran Ecumenical Institute in Strasbourg and now teaches at Marquette University, has recently begun the process of becoming a Roman Catholic.
Protestants confronted with these "defections" have to have some sort of explanation that somehow adequately explains what to them seems like a senseless move.

Think about it. If you are in a Christian denomination, and folks are leaving left and right for a Church that you think is dreadfully wrong on many issues, you have to have some sort of interpretation that explains this, besides that other Church being TRUE. Therefore, all these theories are made up: smells and bells, the security of being told your theology instead of having to think it through, being merely emotionally fed up with Protestant in-fighting and tendency to liberalism, etc.

They latch onto those, rather than directly face the truth claims of the Catholic Church. It's quite curious to observe. I see it all the time in Protestant forums (such as the ["late great"?] ReformedCatholicism blog), that almost seem literally obsessed with Catholicism, and dealing with the continuing exodus of some of their "best and brightest."

We'll see much more of the same (mark my words) as the Catholic revival continues.

Advent Traditions: Resources



Advent and Christmas Meditations

The History of the Advent Wreath (Fr. William Saunders)

True Christmas Spirit
(fantastic monograph about Advent by Rev. Edward J. Sutfin - 283K)

The Twelve Days of Christmas (Elsa Chaney)

Family Advent Customs
(Helen McLoughlin)

Christmas to Candlemas in a Catholic Home
(Helen McLoughlin)

A Candle is Lighted
(P. Stewart Craig)

"Advent" (Catholic Encyclopedia)

Activities for Advent

For more Christmas materials, see Dave's Old-Fashioned Christmas Page (see how it used to look in its fuller version on my old website). It includes seven original poems and extensive research on Christmas carols.

Communitarian Aspects of the Mass

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This came about as a result of my question-answering on my new job also. A Catholic woman asked some questions and was critical of certain statements made by CHNI (probably Marcus Grodi). Here was my response. Her words will be paraphrased and in blue.

* * * * *

When I go to Mass (so I have been taught), it is just God and myself, and no one else.

Obviously, the others who are there exist, too! The Church was meant to be a community. Take, for example, the Last Supper, our model for the Holy Eucharist, and in fact, the literal beginning of that rite, which is, of course central to the Mass. It wouldn't make sense that it was only He and John present, or He and Peter, etc. No; He was there with all twelve disciples. It was a Passover meal, after all, which was certainly a communal, family event. hence, Jesus said (to all the disciples): "I have earnestly desired to eat this passover with you before I suffer" (Luke 22:15; RSV)

I'm not there to talk to other parishioners, but to God.

During the Mass, that is certainly true. But that doesn't mean it is not a community, with all doing the liturgy and offering the Sacrifice of the Mass together with the priest.

It is a vertical relationship of myself and God, as opposed to a "communal gathering." I join my prayer with that of others in those parts of the Mass where all participate, but it is essentially "He and I."

I don't understand why you draw this distinction, since you deny that it is a "communal gathering" yet you join your prayers with those of the priest and laypeople present. Isn't that a contradiction? It's not just "Jesus and Me" in the Mass: it is the communal sense of "Jesus and His Church; His Bride." It is the Church that gathers, not a collection of atomistic individuals, who happen to be there together at that particular time.

"Praying in community" is not a Catholic notion and shouldn't be forced on Catholics. We reply as a "family of God" only when we respond to the priest's prayers.

The Mass necessarily involves a collective, communitarian sense. It is indeed the entire congregation offering the Mass together. The priest presides, but he is not the only one making the offering. The Catechism of the Catholic Church makes this quite clear in many entries (my bolded emphases added):
1352 The anaphora: with the Eucharistic Prayer - the prayer of thanksgiving and consecration - we come to the heart and summit of the celebration:

In the preface, the Church gives thanks to the Father, through Christ, in the Holy Spirit, for all his works: creation, redemption, and sanctification. The whole community thus joins in the unending praise that the Church in heaven, the angels and all the saints, sing to the thrice-holy God.

1353 In the epiclesis, the Church asks the Father to send his Holy Spirit (or the power of his blessing) on the bread and wine, so that by his power they may become the body and blood of Jesus Christ and so that those who take part in the Eucharist may be one body and one spirit (some liturgical traditions put the epiclesis after the anamnesis). [first part]

1354 In the anamnesis that follows, the Church calls to mind the Passion, resurrection, and glorious return of Christ Jesus; she presents to the Father the offering of his Son which reconciles us with him.

In the intercessions, the Church indicates that the Eucharist is celebrated in communion with the whole Church in heaven and on earth, the living and the dead, and in communion with the pastors of the Church, the Pope, the diocesan bishop, his presbyterium and his deacons, and all the bishops of the whole world together with their Churches.

1357 We carry out this command of the Lord by celebrating the memorial of his sacrifice. In so doing, we offer to the Father what he has himself given us: the gifts of his creation, bread and wine which, by the power of the Holy Spirit and by the words of Christ, have become the body and blood of Christ. Christ is thus really and mysteriously made present.

1359 The Eucharist, the sacrament of our salvation accomplished by Christ on the cross, is also a sacrifice of praise in thanksgiving for the work of creation. In the Eucharistic sacrifice the whole of creation loved by God is presented to the Father through the death and the Resurrection of Christ. Through Christ the Church can offer the sacrifice of praise in thanksgiving for all that God has made good, beautiful, and just in creation and in humanity.

1360 The Eucharist is a sacrifice of thanksgiving to the Father, a blessing by which the Church expresses her gratitude to God for all his benefits, for all that he has accomplished through creation, redemption, and sanctification. Eucharist means first of all "thanksgiving."

1361 The Eucharist is also the sacrifice of praise by which the Church sings the glory of God in the name of all creation. This sacrifice of praise is possible only through Christ: he unites the faithful to his person, to his praise, and to his intercession, so that the sacrifice of praise to the Father is offered through Christ and with him, to be accepted in him.

1368 The Eucharist is also the sacrifice of the Church. The Church which is the Body of Christ participates in the offering of her Head. With him, she herself is offered whole and entire. She unites herself to his intercession with the Father for all men. In the Eucharist the sacrifice of Christ becomes also the sacrifice of the members of his Body. The lives of the faithful, their praise, sufferings, prayer, and work, are united with those of Christ and with his total offering, and so acquire a new value. Christ's sacrifice present on the altar makes it possible for all generations of Christians to be united with his offering.

In the catacombs the Church is often represented as a woman in prayer, arms outstretched in the praying position. Like Christ who stretched out his arms on the cross, through him, with him, and in him, she offers herself and intercedes for all men.

1369 The whole Church is united with the offering and intercession of Christ. . . . The community intercedes also for all ministers who, for it and with it, offer the Eucharistic sacrifice: [partial]

1370 To the offering of Christ are united not only the members still here on earth, but also those already in the glory of heaven. In communion with and commemorating the Blessed Virgin Mary and all the saints, the Church offers the Eucharistic sacrifice. In the Eucharist the Church is as it were at the foot of the cross with Mary, united with the offering and intercession of Christ.
Individual prayer, praise, and thanksgiving to God at various times in the Mass is fine, during periods of silence and meditation. Otherwise, we are urged to actively participate in the entire Mass, and not to be passive "spectators" or recipients. I'm not saying you aren't participating; you clearly are, in profound ways. I'm simply disagreeing that it is not a community offering at Mass.

Protestants gather for "community prayer" because they have only the Bible and the Holy Spirit, but not the eucharistic Jesus substantially present, as we do.

Perhaps it is largely a semantic difference. I'm not denying the personal time of communion between a Catholic and and their Lord at Mass. But I think you shouldn't deny, either, the communal aspects of the Mass. Even the Lord's Prayer is communal: it is offered in the plural:
Our Father . . . give us this day our daily bread. . . forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us . . . lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil . . .
There are plenty of singular prayers in the Psalms (many from David). But when Jesus taught us to pray, it was in this communal, group sense. I think that is highly significant.

My point is that the Mass is a communitarian effort insofar as the congregation actually participate in the offering. The CCC makes this very clear. I think we're just pointing out different aspects that complement, not contradict each other.

The CCC shows that "community" is not "non-Catholic" at all. It's not a liberal idea (though the liberals in the Church have clearly abused it, just like they do everything else), as you appeared to me to imply; it is an apostolic tradition idea and a Bible idea. That is where I saw that your analysis went too far, in my opinion. But most of what you expressed is fine. It's a "both/and" scenario, not "either/or."

I theological despise liberalism. I have a web page about it and a portion of one of my books. devoted to this extremely serious error. The present issue, however, is not, I think, one having to do with any liberal or dissident notions. We mustn't fall into the "guilt by association" fallacy. Maybe your parish has some goofy stuff going on, but that doesn't mean we should throw out the baby with the bath water. Can we agree that what you are stressing and what I am stressing are both true?

The Absurdity of Logically Requiring Catholics to Adopt Protestant First Principles in Order to Participate in "Constructive" Ecumenical Discussion



I've touched on this question many times before, in various papers. Recently, as part of [one of] my job[s] as staff apologist at CHNI, I was answering a question from an evangelical Protestant. I'll paraphrase or re-state his questions (in blue) and give my answers as in my return letter to him:

* * * * *

It was objected that Catholics make it "very difficult" because we so often become dogmatic and take a position of "absolute correctness" on the issues on which we differ with our non-Catholic Christian brethren.

This is the nature of Catholic theology and ecclesiology: we believe it is infallible and therefore non-negotiable. The Protestant must understand this. We can't somehow cease to be what we are just because we are talking to a Protestant. You have to accept us as we are, and we believe in the infallibility of the Church. We must, in turn, understand that you deny that. But we shouldn't stop talking just because we have honest differences. There is always more room for better understanding.

We have to stop doing this, lest any bridge-building between us be wrecked from the outset.

But this is unreasonable, because you are, in effect, saying:
x) Unless a Catholic ceases to be a Catholic (in matters of infallibility and ecclesiology), Protestants can't talk with them and no bridges can be built.
But (please follow me a bit on this) granting x, real, authentic Catholic-Protestant discussion is impossible to undertake, because Catholic y is no longer Catholic, having been forced to adopt Protestant distinctive z (no infallibility other than the Bible) in order to talk to the Protestant (therefore, in that act, he has ceased to be a consistent, orthodox Catholic).

The Catholic is forced to compromise his or her beliefs to even be allowed at the table. And this is, of course, most unfair and unjust, which in turn, defeats the good will and good faith efforts of constructive ecumenical discussion. Unless each side can accept the other as they are, why even bother? You may not like some things we believe, and vice versa, but that is a given. If we can't get over these differences on a personal level, as if those who hold them are somehow fundamentally deficient, then we cannot talk and learn from each other at all.

It's like C.S. Lewis's notion of "mere Christianity" (and I love Lewis, too: he is my favorite writer, and I have on my site perhaps the largest collection of Lewis links on the Internet). He requires both Catholics and Orthodox, in order to participate in "mere Christianity", to forsake a doctrine fundamental to both of them: their ecclesiology and belief in an infallible Church. In other words, in the very effort to unite all Christians, if two out of the three major "branches" are forced to abandon something central to their belief-system, how "ecumenical" or fair is that?

My friend Al Kresta, in a talk he gave in my own house (that I subsequently transcribed), made this point very eloquently:
Mere Christianity also undermines confidence in the local church, or (if you believe in them) the denomination, which is secondary to one's primary commitment to Christ. But this is schizophrenic. It pits the head against the body, and ultimately it betrays Jesus Who says the gates of hell would not prevail against His Church, the body. These things are connected. The head doesn't regard the body as a "necessary evil" like many evangelicals do. They think that you gotta go somewhere to get Bible teaching, so you go to church. [The Church] is secondary only in the sense that it flows from my commitment to God, and is entailed in that commitment. How ecumenical is mere Christianity, if it removes the doctrine of the Church, which is central to two of the three Christian traditions? So it really isn't very fair to Orthodoxy and Catholicism. [It amounts to saying that] God is not able to adequately reveal Himself through the things that he has made, or the people that He has called. It's a slap in the face of God.

Mere Christianity is dishonest in that it requires a soft-peddling of differences between Christians. And it belittles our brothers and sisters in the past. When we say "let's transcend and rise above all these denominational distinctives," we are actually emasculating the various Christian traditions. The very things that Wesley and Luther and Calvin found as solutions to the problems of their day, we're saying, "it's not important. Let's just get above 'em. It doesn't matter that these brothers regarded these things as central and essential to the Christian life. We're so superior to them that we can just rise above it." And I find that that's a very belittling approach to these men and women. Accept them on their own terms. Disagree with them if you have to. But don't say they're irrelevant. Within their systems, these denominational distinctives are meant to be solutions to serious problems in the Christian life, and when we don't take them on their own terms, then we're regarding these men and their traditions as pathological, petty, or unwise. I think Luther was wrong [about justification], but I can't say he's unimportant, you see. And that's what I don't like about "mere Christianity."
A truly ecumenical effort would require only aspects that all three have in common: not favoring one and being most unfair to the other two. On the other hand, note that Lewis (in fairness to his position), in the book of the same name, regards mere Christianity as the great common hall of a mansion, but he also says that each Christian can and should have their own "room" (their distinctive Christian tradition or belief-system) that they return to at night.

Protestants have their own set of dogmas, that are non-negotiable, including sola Scriptura and a certain common rigid interpretation of sola fide (the two "pillars" of the so-called "Reformation"). Calvinists are quite non-negotiable on TULIP, aren't they? Baptists won't budge on the question of adult, believer's baptism or on their insistence that there are no sacraments at all, only "ordinances", or on the fact that their baptism is symbolic only (whereas Augustine and Luther and Wesley believed it regenerates). Quakers and Mennonites won't forsake pacifism. Etc., etc., etc.

So you guys (as a generality) are not completely different from us. We simply have more non-negotiable dogmas than you do, and so you view us as "inflexible." We can't help that. It is inevitable that you will view us that way. Atheists look at all Christians as "inflexible" and prone to believing unreasonable, silly things. It's only a matter of degree.

Catholics need to move more "toward the center" so that progress can be made in important areas of disagreement (strongly implied: we hinder any "negotiations" from succeeding because we are so blasted "inflexible").

We can work together in those many areas where we agree, if only we understood each other better. Besides, who defines the "center"? And by what authority? I think we'll find that, upon examination, this "center" as you define it, will likely again presuppose Protestant distinctives and be hostile to Catholic distinctives. That's a stacked deck, and thus sabotages authentic ecumenical efforts from the outset, due to its inherent unfairness.

Catholics have to show some real "movement"; Christians have so much in common. So much more could be done by bridge-building [i.e., if Catholics weren't so stubborn, thinking they have everything right; so frustratingly "certain"!!!!] .

We can do plenty of that without being forced to compromise our Catholic beliefs, so that we are sufficiently "Protestant" to be able to talk to you at all. That is an insult to us because it doesn't accept us as we are: a legitimate brand of Christianity as we are, not as the Protestant hopes and wishes we would be, so that we could be more like them. Think about it. I've heard this many times. It's like saying to a black person: "you know, if you would just act more like a white person, then we could get along, and we wouldn't have this racial conflict." That is not the way to achieve harmonious race relations. Each side must accept the other as they are and seek to understand them on that plane, not force them to be what they are not, right out of the starting-gate of some conciliatory or bridge-building effort.

Wednesday, November 28, 2007

The False Doctrine of "Soul Sleep" and Prayers To, For, and From the Dead: the Biblical Evidence Confirms Catholic Belief

http://freestockphotos.com/SKY/FieryClouds4.jpg

A member on the CHNI discussion forums, Brian, asked some good, probing questions. His words will be in blue.

* * * * *

Hi Brian,

Man, you are a question machine! But that's good: inquisitive minds will find the truth if they sincerely seek it and (most importantly) are willing to submit to it when they find it.

I ran into this objection on another bulletin board:
"In Mat 27:52 it describes those who arose from their graves when Jesus rose as "those who slept". Paul uses the same description in 1 Cr 15:20. Paul in 1 Th 4 compares the living with those who were put to sleep, i.e. the dead.
This is an instance of what is called "phenomenological" language: the language of outward description or appearance rather than complete metaphysical analysis. So to us the dead appear to be asleep.

Paul tells the Thessalonians that when the Lord descends from heaven, those sleeping (believers) will arise and along with the living (believers) shall meet the Lord in the air (between heaven and earth). The believers who were dead were clearly not in heaven or hell or all of 1 Th 4: 13-18 makes no sense whatsoever."

Of course, the question arises: where does this person think they were? Catholics have no problem interpreting this. There is, as David mentioned, the Limbo of the Fathers (or Hebrew: Sheol / Greek: Hades) or purgatory. These can all be amply defended from Holy Scripture.

The question I have is how does this resolve with for instance the ideas in revelation of the saints and martyrs praying, or of Jesus seeing Moses and Elijah on Mt. Tabor. Or the passage that says to be absent from the body is to be present with the Lord?

Consciousness after death is clearly taught in Scripture. For example: the soul is described as a separate entity from the body:
MATTHEW 10:28 And fear not them which kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul: but rather fear him which is able to destroy both soul and body in hell.

REVELATION 6:9-10 And when he had opened the fifth seal, I saw under the altar the souls of them that were slain for the word of God, and for the testimony which they held: And they cried with a loud voice, saying, How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth?

1 KINGS 17:21-22 Then he stretched himself upon the child three times, and cried to the Lord, "O Lord my God, let this child's soul come into him again." And the Lord hearkened to the voice of Elijah; and the soul of the child came into him again, and he revived. (cf. Lk 8:53-55)

* * * * *

JOHN 11:26 And whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die. Believest thou this?
Jesus clearly sets forth the notion that the faithful Christian will always have conscious, unending existence with God. He cannot possibly be referring to physical death, since all men die in that sense.
PSALM 116:15 Precious in the sight of the LORD is the death of his saints.
The consciousness of the dead is assumed or else the verse becomes ludicrous.

1 SAMUEL 28:11-16 tells us that Samuel returns from the dead and pronounces Saul's death sentence.

Jehovah's Witnesses, Seventh-Day Adventists and other sects and cults that teach what is known as annihilationism or soul-sleep (no consciousness after death and no hell, with the sinner being annihilated out of existence altogether) typically rely on the distortion of a few passages in order to "prove" their error:
Ecclesiastes 9:5: . . . the dead know not any thing, neither have they any more a reward . . .
If the first clause is understood in an absolute sense, then so must the second clause be interpreted. Thus, the dead would have no "reward" as well as no consciousness. This would deny the resurrection and the rewarding of the righteous (see Rev 20:11-13, 21:6-7, 22:12,14). Obviously, then, a qualification of some sort has to be placed on Ecc 9:5. In the very next verse, we learn that:
. . . neither have they any more a portion for ever in any thing that is done under the sun.
In other words, in relation to this world, the dead know nothing, but they are in a different realm, where they do know something. As further examples of this limited sense of "not knowing anything" in Scripture, see 1 Sam 20:39 and 2 Sam 15:11, where an interpretation of unconsciousness would be ridiculous.
Ezekiel 18:4 (also 18:20): . . . the soul that sinneth, it shall die.
Here, the spiritual use of "death" in the Bible is overlooked. For instance, 1 Timothy 5:6 reads:
But she that liveth in pleasure is dead while she liveth. (cf. Eph 2:1 and Lk 15:24)
That Ezekiel 18:4,20 refers to spiritual death (i.e., separation from God, not annihilation) is obvious from context, since 18:21 declares:
But if the wicked will turn from all his sins that he hath committed, and keep all my statutes, and do that which is lawful and right, he shall surely live, he shall not die.
Since all men die physically, this must be talking about the spiritual, or "second" death. So much for this "proof" . . .
Psalm 146:4: His breath goeth forth, he returneth to his earth; in that very day his thoughts perish.
This verse's meaning is similar to that of Ecclesiastes 9:5. Here, "thoughts" refer to "unaccomplished purposes" of a person on earth. Death puts an end to those purposes, as anyone would agree. In this sense, one's thoughts "perish" at death. Another similar use occurs at Isaiah 55:7:
Let the wicked forsake his way, and the unrighteousness man his thoughts . . .
This doesn't mean that unrighteous men must cease all thinking and become unconscious and nonexistent. Nor does Ps 146:4. Much of this sort of inadequate and erroneous exegesis results from a profound lack of understanding of the many literary forms and devices used in Scripture, as seen in these three examples. Much of the OT is poetry of one sort or another. One cannot interpret poetry in a wooden, literal way.

And of course the crucial question is, what does the Bible mean to say or not regarding our state after earth? How can we ask saints to pray for us if according to the Thessalonians passage they are actually asleep?

Even Martin Luther and John Calvin admitted that the saints may be praying for us in heaven:
Although angels in heaven pray for us . . . saints on earth, and perhaps also in heaven, do likewise, . . .

(Smalcald Articles, 1537, Part II, Article II in Theodore G. Tappert, translator, The Book of Concord, St. Louis: Concordia Pub. House, 1959, 297)

I grant they pray for us in this way.

(Institutes of the Christian Religion, III, 20, 24)
Luther and his successor as head of Lutheranism, Philip Melanchthon, also accepted the validity of prayers for the dead:
As for the dead, since Scripture gives us no information on the subject, I regard it as no sin to pray with free devotion in this or some similar fashion: "Dear God, if this soul is in a condition accessible to mercy, be thou gracious to it."

(Confession Concerning Christ's Supper, 1528, in Luther's Works, edited by Jaroslav Pelikan, vol. 37, 369)

[W]e know that the ancients speak of prayer for the dead, which we do not prohibit . . .

(Apology to the Augsburg Confession: Article XXIV, 94)
The Apostle Paul prayed for the dead:
2 Timothy 1:16-18 May the Lord grant mercy to the household of Onesiphorus, for he often refreshed me; he was not ashamed of my chains, but when he arrived in Rome he searched for me eagerly and found me - may the Lord grant him to find mercy from the Lord on that Day - and you well know all the service he rendered at Ephesus.
This passage gives Protestants fits. Protestants can't accept the practice of praying for the dead because of their theology; therefore, they must explain this away somehow. What they do is either deny that Onesiphorus is dead, or that Paul is praying. Most of the nine Protestant commentaries I consulted for this passage admit that he was praying, but deny that the person was dead. Some try to say that Paul was merely "wishing", but I don't see any difference between that and a prayer: it looks like a word game to avoid the implications. The same commentaries said he was possibly dead (two), take no position (two), think he was "probably not" dead (one), or deny it (three). A.T. Robertson, the great Baptist Greek scholar, felt that he was "apparently" dead and that Paul was "wishing" rather than praying. I think it's much more plausible to simply take the Catholic position: the man died and Paul was praying for him.

As for saints praying for us: if these saints are alive, aware of earthly events, and pray for us (because they possess love and concern), then it is not wrong to ask them to pray for us. How do we know they are aware? Because of Hebrews 12:1: ". . . we are surrounded by so great a cloud of witnesses . . ."

Word Studies in the New Testament
(Marvin R. Vincent, Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1980; originally 1887; Vol. 4, p. 536), a famous, standard Protestant reference work, comments on this verse as follows:
'Witnesses' does not mean spectators [Greek martus, from which is derived martyr], but those who have borne witness to the truth, as those enumerated in chapter 11. Yet the idea of spectators is implied, and is really the principal idea. The writer's picture is that of an arena in which the Christians whom he addresses are contending in a race, while the vast host of the heroes of faith who, after having borne witness to the truth, have entered into their heavenly rest, watches the contest from the encircling tiers of the arena, compassing and overhanging it like a cloud, filled with lively interest and sympathy, and lending heavenly aid.
Saints in heaven are therefore aware of, and observe events on earth, "with lively interest," as Vincent puts it. Also:
Revelation 6:9-10 . . . I saw under the altar the souls of those who had been slain for the word of God and for the witness they had borne; they cried out with a loud voice, "O Sovereign Lord, holy and true, how long before thou wilt judge and avenge our blood on those who dwell upon the earth?"
Here the martyrs in heaven are saying what are known as "imprecatory prayers": pleas for God to rescue and vindicate the righteous. Examples can be found particularly in the Psalms (Psalms 35,59,69,79,109,139) and in Jeremiah (11:18 ff., 15:15 ff., 18:19 ff., 20:11 ff.). An angel offers up a very similar prayer in Zechariah 1:12. Jesus mentions a type of this prayer in Matthew 26:53, in which He stated that He could "pray" to the Father and receive legions of angels to prevent His arrest had it been the Father's will.

Therefore dead saints are praying for Christians on earth. If they can intercede for us, then why shouldn't we ask for their prayers? Clearly, they're aware of what is happening on earth. They are more alive, unfathomably more righteous, and obviously closer to God than we are. Omniscience isn't required for them to hear our prayers, as is often charged. Rather, we have reason to believe that they are out of time, by God's power, because to be in eternity is to be outside of the realm of time. That allows them to answer many requests for prayer because they have an infinite amount of "time" to do it.

How can they also be in heaven and hearing us?

Because God gives them that power, and because heaven is another dimension. The saints are out of time with God, and thus have all the "time" they need to listen to our petitions.

Do we argue that perhaps their bodies lie asleep as they await resurrection while their soul or spirit is in heaven and doing God's will?

Yes. Their bodies await resurrection.

I think we believe that only a few people who were assumed into heaven may have their resurrection bodies. But the passage in Thessalonians does not seem to distinguish between their body or soul being asleep.

This is simply phenomenological language, explained above. Jesus even seems to play around a little with this sort of language, when He described the daughter of Jairus, who had died: "Do not weep, for she is not dead, but sleeping" (Lk 8:52). Jesus then "prayed" both to the dead (by addressing a dead person) and for the dead (by commanding a dead person to return to earthly life), because He was talking to a dead child, and saying, "Child arise" (Lk 8:54). The next verse states "and her spirit returned," thus proving that it was separate from her body.

So what can I make of all this if anything? How do we answer someone who thinks that all the dead are still awaiting resurrection and to go to heaven therefore we can not pray to them?

I think I have shown various strong biblical arguments along those lines.

It seems they have at least a few Bible passages that seem to point to the idea that the dead are not in heaven but merely waiting in some other state.

Luke 16 about Lazarus and the rich man clearly teaches a third state.

I of course, accept whatever the church teaches, but I am curious how to best understand these passages.

I hope this has been helpful to you. For much more, see my web page:

Saints, Purgatory, & Penance

Overview of Theological and Ecclesiological Catholic-Orthodox Disagreements / The Unique Case of the Oriental Orthodox


A question was asked about Orthodoxy on the CHNI forum, as to how the Catholic Church views Eastern Orthodoxy and also the many "Oriental Orthodox" communions that broke from Rome after the Council of Chalcedon in 451.

From The Code of Canon Law, Book IV:
Can. 844 §1 Catholic ministers may lawfully administer the sacraments only to catholic members of Christ's faithful, who equally may lawfully receive them only from catholic ministers, except as provided in §2, 3 and 4 of this canon and in can. 861 §2.

§2 Whenever necessity requires or a genuine spiritual advantage commends it, and provided the danger of error or indifferentism is avoided, Christ's faithful for whom it is physically or morally impossible to approach a catholic minister, may lawfully receive the sacraments of penance, the Eucharist and anointing of the sick from non-Catholic ministers in whose Churches these sacraments are valid.

§3 Catholic ministers may lawfully administer the sacraments of penance, the Eucharist and anointing of the sick to members of the eastern Churches not in full communion with the catholic Church, if they spontaneously ask for them and are properly disposed. The same applies to members of other Churches which the Apostolic See judges to be in the same position as the aforesaid eastern Churches so far as the sacraments are concerned.

§4 If there is a danger of death or if, in the judgment of the diocesan Bishop or of the Episcopal Conference, there is some other grave and pressing need, catholic ministers may lawfully administer these same sacraments to other Christians not in full communion with the catholic Church, who cannot approach a minister of their own community and who spontaneously ask for them, provided that they demonstrate the catholic faith in respect of these sacraments and are properly disposed.

[Dave: Canon 861 §2 states that in emergency situations, anyone who has the right intention, can baptize]
The Catholic Church has great respect for Orthodoxy and we long for the day when the schism can be mended. There are significant current attempts to bring that about. Pope John Paul II wrote an excellent Apostolic Letter in 1995 entitled Orientale Lumen ("The Light of the East").
He states:
The Christian tradition of the East implies a way of accepting, understanding and living faith in the Lord Jesus. In this sense it is extremely close to the Christian tradition of the West, which is born of and nourished by the same faith. Yet it is legitimately and admirably distinguished from the latter, since Eastern Christians have their own way of perceiving and understanding, and thus an original way of living their relationship with the Saviour. . . .

17. Thirty years have passed since the Bishops of the Catholic Church, meeting in Council in the presence of many brothers from other Churches and Ecclesial Communities, listened to the voice of the Spirit as he shed light on deep truths about the nature of the Church, showing that all believers in Christ were far closer than they could imagine, all journeying towards the one Lord, all sustained and supported by his grace. An ever more pressing invitation to unity emerged at that point.
Since then, much ground has been covered in reciprocal knowledge. This has increased our respect and has frequently enabled us to pray to the one Lord together and to pray for one another, on a path of love that is already a pilgrimage of unity.

After the important steps taken by Pope Paul VI, I have wished the path of mutual knowledge in charity to be continued. I can testify to the deep joy that the fraternal meeting with so many heads and representatives of Churches and Ecclesial Communities has given me in recent years. . . .

24. I believe that one important way to grow in mutual understanding and unity consists precisely in improving our knowledge of one another. The children of the Catholic Church already know the ways indicated by the Holy See for achieving this: to know the liturgy of the Eastern Churches; [62] to deepen their knowledge of the spiritual traditions of the Fathers and doctors of the Christian East, [63] to follow the example of the Eastern Churches for the inculturation of the Gospel message; to combat tensions between Latins and Orientals and to encourage dialogue between Catholics and the Orthodox; to train in specialized institutions theologians, liturgists, historians and canonists for the Christian East who in turn can spread knowledge of the Eastern; Churches; to offer appropriate teaching on these subjects in seminaries and theological faculties, especially to future priests. [64] These remain very sound recommendations on which I intend to insist with particular force.

25. In addition to knowledge, I feel that meeting one another regularly is very important. In this regard, I hope that monasteries will make a particular effort, precisely because of the unique role played by monastic life within the Churches and because of the many unifying aspects of the monastic experience, and therefore of spiritual awareness, in the East and in the West. Another form of meeting consists in welcoming Orthodox professors and students to the Pontifical Universities and other Catholic academic institutions. We will continue to do all we can to extend this welcome on a wider scale. May God also bless the founding and development of places designed precisely to offer hospitality to our brothers of the East, including such places in this city of Rome where the living, shared memory of the leaders of the Apostles and of so many martyrs is preserved. . . .

28. . . . [end section]

We are painfully aware that we cannot yet share in the same Eucharist. Now that the millennium is drawing to a close and our gaze turns to the rising Sun, with gratitude we find these men and women before our eyes and in our heart.

The echo of the Gospel--the words that do not disappoint--continues to resound with force, weakened only by our separation: Christ cries out, but man finds it hard to hear his voice, because we fail to speak with one accord. We listen together to the cry of those who want to hear God's entire Word. The words of the West need the words of the East, so that God's word may ever more clearly reveal its unfathomable riches. Our words will meet for ever in the heavenly Jerusalem, but we ask and wish that this meeting be anticipated in the holy Church which is still on her way towards the fullness of the Kingdom.

May God shorten the time and distance. may Christ, the Orientale Lumen, soon, very soon, grant us to discover that in fact, despite so many centuries of distance, we were very close, because together, perhaps without knowing it, we were walking towards the one Lord, and thus towards one another.

May the people of the third millennium be able to enjoy this discovery, finally achieved by a word that is harmonious and thus fully credible, proclaimed by brothers and sisters who love one another and thank one another for the riches which they exchange. Thus shall we offer ourselves to God with the pure hands of reconciliation, and the people of the world will have one more well-founded reason to believe and to hope.
That is the ecumenical and diplomatic approach. Of course, I myself, being an apologist, have written some material explaining where Catholics and Orthodox have honest differences, and why I am a Catholic and not an Orthodox. See my introductory paper on that topic.

Sometimes, I have been confronted with the sub-group of anti-Catholic Orthodox on the Internet and felt compelled to explain why I thought it was impossible to take a position that Orthodoxy was apostolic while Catholicism supposedly was not (an extreme opinion in these ranks would even hold that Catholicism lacks both sacraments and grace, as well as apostolicity). See my two papers on that (one / two). For more of my papers regarding Orthodoxy, see my Orthodoxy Topical Index page.

As I understand it, the biggest issue at the time of the schism in 1054 was the question of the filioque clause in the western version of the Nicene Creed. I believe the mutual excommunications have been dropped, and with increasing discussion, it can be seen, I believe, that there is far more agreement on this issue than was formerly assumed. A lot of the disagreement had to do with different approaches of eastern and western Christianity, and there were some purely linguistic misunderstandings, too. See the paper from William Klimon on filioque.

As to the Oriental Orthodox, here is what the article in Wikipedia states:

The schism between Oriental Orthodoxy and what would become the Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox churches occurred in the 5th century. The separation resulted in part from the refusal of Pope Dioscorus, the patriarch of Alexandria, to accept the Christological dogmas promulgated by the Council of Chalcedon, which held that Jesus has two natures — one divine and one human. This was not because the council stated that Christ has two natures, but because the council's presiders refused to confess (more than wordly) that the two natures are inseparable and united. Pope Dioscorus would accept only "of or from two natures" but not "in two natures."

To the hierarchs who would lead the Oriental Orthodox, this was tantamount to accepting Nestorian-flavored terminology, according their definition of Christology, which was founded in the Alexandrine School of Theology that advocated a formula that stressed unity of the Incarnation over all other considerations.

The Oriental Orthodox churches were therefore often called Monophysite churches, although they reject this label, which is associated with Eutychian Monophysitism, preferring the term "non-Chalcedonian" or "Miaphysite" churches. Oriental Orthodox Churches reject the heretical Monophysite teachings of Eutyches, the heretical teachings of Nestorius and the Dyophysite definition of the Council of Chalcedon.

Christology, although important, was not the only reason for the refusal of the Council of Chalcedon - political, ecclesiastical and imperial issues were hotly debated.

In the years following Chalcedon, the patriarchs of Constantinople remained in communion with the non-Chalcedonian patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, while Rome remained out of communion with Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem, and in unstable communion with Constantinople. It was not until 518 AD that the Byzantine Emperor, Justin I, on the ultimatum of the Roman patriarch, demanded that the Church of the Roman Empire be Chalcedonian once and for all. Justin ordered the deposition and replacement of all anti-Chalcedonian bishops, including the patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria. By 525 AD, anti-Chalcedonian Christians found themselves being persecuted by the Roman Empire; this would not end until the rise of Islam.

In the 20th century, the Chalcedonian schism was not seen with the same relevance any more, and from several meetings between the Roman Catholic Pope and Patriarchs of the Oriental Orthodoxy, reconciling declarations emerged.

The confusions and schisms that occurred between their Churches in the later centuries, they realize today, in no way affect or touch the substance of their faith, since these arose only because of differences in terminology and culture and in the various formulae adopted by different theological schools to express the same matter. Accordingly, we find today no real basis for the sad divisions and schisms that subsequently arose between us concerning the doctrine of Incarnation. In words and life we confess the true doctrine concerning Christ our Lord, notwithstanding the differences in interpretation of such a doctrine which arose at the time of the Council of Chalcedon.

From the common declaration of Pope John Paul II and HH Mar Ignatius Zakka I Iwas, June 23, 1984

According to the canons of the Oriental Orthodox Churches, the four Archbishops of Rome, Alexandria, Ephesus (later transferred to Constantinople) and Antioch were all given status as Patriarchs, or in other words, the Ancient Apostolic Centers of Christianity by the First Council of Nicea (predating the schism) — each of the four being responsible for those bishops and churches under his jurisdiction within his own quarter of Christendom, being the Metropolitan Archbishop of the Province, (with the exception of the Archbishop or Patriarch of Jerusalem, who was to be independent of all of these.) Thus, the Archbishop of Rome (ie, the Pope of the Catholic Church) has always been held by the others to be in Communion, and fully sovereign within his own quadrant.

The technical reason for the schism was that the Bishop of Rome excommunicated the non-Chalcedonian bishops in 451 AD for refusing to accept the "in two natures" teaching, thus declaring them to be out of communion with him, although they have continued to recognize him as an equal.

(Wikipedia, "Oriental Orthodoxy")
Many Eastern Orthodox will freely admit the primacy of Peter himself and even the primacy of the Apostolic Roman See in the early Church. I have a book in my library by prominent Orthodox author John Meyendorff, entitled The Primacy of Peter.

The problem comes with the interpretation of that. Orthodox (and many Anglicans) hold that the primacy was more along the lines of "foremost of equals" (like a prime minister in a parliamentary system of government). catholic dogma teaches that the pope has headship or supremacy, and universal jurisdiction.

We contend that the Orthodox broke from us because (we would argue) we continued the unbroken tradition of what came before (including the papacy). I've maintained, among other things, that we still have ecumenical councils (and at the Councils of Florence [15th c.] and Lyons [1274], we even invited the Orthodox and almost achieved a reunion). In two papers on this question (one / two), I showed how, e.g., the east had split off from the west on five different occasions; sometimes for several dozen years. In all five cases, the west was correct and orthodox, from both eastern and western perspectives today.

So, then, I contended that 1054 was simply yet another instance of this schismatic tendency of the east, where they were wrong once again. Once I had an Orthodox priest give a guest talk in a discussion group at my home and when I asked him about this very thing, he (literally) just shrugged his shoulders and couldn't respond to it. No one has, since I've made this argument.

Of course (as we would expect) the Orthodox think we departed from them, and that they maintained the mainstream apostolic tradition. They argue that papal power had become too great and that the filioque clause was a corruption and illegitimate addition to the Nicene Creed, whereas we say it was a consistent development of trinitarian theology, rightly understood.

Mere politics and cultural differences are always factors in these things, as well as the differences in language. The east was subject to the strong tendency of caesaropapism (making the emperor in effect or in actuality the head of the Church, with the state being over the Church): precisely the error that the papacy allows the Church to largely avoid.

As for the question of apostolic succession; in the case of Orthodoxy, we acknowledge their possession of the succession, because they had validly ordained bishops from the previous age when east and west were united. They continued that, so that all their ordinations are valid and apostolic, as we recognize. As for Anglicans, they claim the same thing on the same basis, but we argue that they changed the ordination rites in the 16th century, thus bringing about an invalid ordination, and hence, loss of apostolicity. There can be some exceptions in some cases . . .

Various issues contributed to the schism. I've outlined them in my introductory paper. Orthodox tend to see the west as over-rational and insufficiently mystical. I say this is a caricature, but it is true that we place relatively more emphasis on reason than they do. We think our view and approach to the faith is balanced and multi-faceted, but they think it is too far in one direction. They also think we are overly-dogmatic, and should not have defined many things that we did (such as transubstantiation); that we require things that should be left to individual opinion.

As for inter-communion: many Orthodox jurisdictions are more opposed to us than we are to them. If they had been more open to the ecumenical process, the reunion would already have been accomplished by now (or in the 15th or 13th centuries). There has generally been a great "anti-Latin" animus, that goes back to the Crusades and the sacking of Constantinople in 1204, etc. (that was not approved by the pope at all).

A Defense Of My Opinion On James White's Improper Use of Cross-Examination in Debate and Abuse of Rhetoric (by Paul R. Hoffer, B.A., J.D.)

The image “http://files.aomin.org/images/jpeg/CatholicApol.jpg” cannot be displayed, because it contains errors.

[photograph and painting below added by Dave Armstrong; everything else is the work of Paul Hoffer]

But the fact remains that without cross-examination
, there is no debate.” ~James White

Introduction:

On July 12, 2007, I made a comment to an article Mr. Armstrong posted on his blog titled: James White: Anti-Intellectual? (Double Standards in "Anti" Language Yet Again!) + His Latest Hit Piece & Continued Refusal to Do a Chat Room Debate. Mr. White took umbrage to my comments and proceeded to “debate” me accordingly on his blog here: An Attorney on Cross-Examination and here: Will We Hear the Truth on the DL Tomorrow?

Mr. Armstrong has graciously allowed me to respond to the charges that Mr. White has made about me and to offer a defense of my comments. It was an offer I willingly accepted because it would give me the opportunity to discuss several issues that I believe are far more important than some tit-for-tat between Mr. White and a neophyte apologist such as myself. Given Mr. White’s overreaction to my comment as well as statements he has made defending the use of cross-examination during his debates with Catholic apologists and others, I believe that there is a fundamental flaw to Mr. White’s approach to apologetics in general and debates specifically which needs to be discussed. I realize that it has taken awhile to put together a proper response, but it is one thing to have an opinion, or even have reasons for that opinion, but it is quite another to express them in a manner appropriate to apologetics work. Considering the allegations that were made between Mr. White and me, I felt obligated to evaluate my reasoning and then back it up with salient facts and information or else withdraw the claims that I had made. I hope the reader will receive some measure of edification from the result.

In addressing some of the claims that Mr. White made about me, I will do so only in the context of taking him to task for his misuse of rhetoric and in defense of my opinion expressed on Mr. Armstrong’s blog. Please understand that I will not waste the reader’s time going through his statements about me personally and doing a point-by-point refutation. His comments were made as a reaction to an unkind remark I said stating that in using trial lawyer tactics, the Holy Spirit wasn’t moving him. To that extent, Mr. White had a right to be angry. It is a remark that should not have been made. I did not have the right to judge Mr. White’s heart. When I was chided about the statement by the Rev. Ken Temple, a fellow Christian whose views I respect, I reread my comments, realized my error, and formally retracted that particular statement about Mr. White before I even knew he had written about me. Further, the uncharitable remark itself was ill-conceived because it undermined the underlying opinion I sought to express. It also unnecessarily added to the rancor found these days between Protestant-Christian and Catholic-Christian apologists. Most important, I choose not to dwell on each and every comment that Mr. White made about me because Our Lord has commanded us to turn the other cheek (Mt. 5:39) and that we are to forgive our trespassers if we are to be forgiven as well (Mt. 6:14). This is an occasion where those commands will be followed.

Besides, my feelings on the subject echo Mr. Lincoln’s sentiments when he said:

When a man hears himself somewhat misrepresented, it provokes himat least, I find it so with myself; but when misrepresentation becomes very gross and palpable, it is more apt to amuse him.

~Abraham Lincoln

While I forgive Mr. White for the unkind things that he said about me and ask his forgiveness in turn, my injudicious choice of words does not negate my opinion that Mr. White misuses the tool of cross-examination in debate, specifically that he makes use of a form of question I call a false initial premise question or which some might call a “loaded” question. Further, the manner in which he responded to my comment made on Mr. Armstrong’s blog demonstrates an alarming abuse of rhetoric. I will address the latter claim first.

Rhetorically Speaking:

Throughout history, people have been drawn to oral debates like they are drawn to sporting events. Everyone likes to see their side win, their viewpoint vindicated, and their enemies’ arguments refuted. Debates between two skilled opponents can provide a vicarious thrill for the audience that is only rivaled in my mind by the pronouncement of a verdict in hard-fought jury trial. Not only does a well-argued debate provide drama and entertainment, people can hear arguments marshaled and tested in support of or against their opinions and come away with an additional framework for organizing their own thoughts and opinions.

However, like many human endeavors, a person can obtain a benefit from listening to a debate only if the debater’s primary purpose in presenting his arguments therein is for the truthful exchange of information. In light of the type of questions I have seen Mr. White use during the cross-examination of his opponents in debate, I am not so sure that he agrees with the notion that the primary purpose of debate should be for the truthful exchange of information. I will provide the reasons for my concerns in short order.

Before I do, the reader needs to understand what I mean by argument. In the context of a debate or trial, an argument does not mean a verbal altercation between two people; it means the process of making what we think clear to ourselves and to others. An argument, whether made during a debate or at trial, has two parts. The first part of an argument is the arguer’s statement of opinion. The second part of an argument is the recitation of the reasons the arguer has marshaled in support of the statement of his opinion. Arguments can be made either orally or in writing.

The art, or science if you will, of making arguments is called rhetoric. Rhetoric contains three components: logos, the use of logic which is designed to appeal to the audience’s reason and intellect; ethos, the arguer’s attempt to project his character to the audience as someone wise, ethical or practical; and pathos, the arguer’s appeal to emotions, sympathies or prejudices of the audience. Rhetoricians have developed a body of knowledge explaining the interaction of the above components as well as certain rules and principles for inventing, formulating, and organizing arguments. These rules consist of different types of logic, language, and elements of public speaking or writing designed to achieve an aim of argument.

Generally, rhetoricians recognize four types of argument: to inquire, to convince, to persuade and to negotiate. Arguing to inquire helps the arguer form an opinion or allows the arguer to question the ones he already has. A classroom discussion is a good example of argument as inquiry. Arguing to convince is used to gain assent from an audience through the giving of examples. A lawyer’s brief is a common type of argument of convincing. Arguing to persuade is a higher form of an argument to convince in that the arguer uses emotional, personal and stylized appeals in addition to rational arguments to sway the audience. Debates, trials, political speeches, sermons, and even advertising all can be examples of forms of arguing to persuade. Arguing to negotiate is considered the pinnacle of debate. The aim of negotiation is to build a consensus or eliminate conflict. Examples of negotiation are diplomacy or negotiating a contract, or on a more personal level, the giving an apology (in the sense of asking for forgiveness).

In contrast to an argument, the mere statement of an opinion without giving one’s reasons in support of that opinion is not an argument at all. Rhetoricians call such opinions self-expression. Self-expression is used merely to provoke thought in others or to affirm an opinion held by someone else. Examples of self-expression are seen all the time in the “Letters to the Editors” section of the local newspaper or, in this day of “New Media,” in commboxes on blogs.

Applying the principles discussed in the brief overview of the art of rhetoric provided here, it becomes obvious from examining my remarks and the remarks that Mr. White makes about them, that he either does not know the difference between self-expression and an argument or has chosen to disregard the difference. With the uncharitable words removed, I said:

[Cross-examination] is a tool that can be used to obscure or

distort the truth as well as expose it. Watching some of Mr. White's debates demonstrate that he is proficient in the use of cross-examination to do just that-obscure or hide the truth. [H]e is not interested in being factual or accurate; it is all about winning and beating the other guy. He is truly a hypocrite in the original Greek sense of the word-a play actor- and he is good at it. If he were an attorney, he would probably be a rich PI (personal injury) or criminal defense attorney somewhere.

If getting at the truth is truly the purpose of this exercise, then a written format is more conducive to actually getting there. One can't win using trial lawyer tricks to persuade or obscure. Instead, in a brief, one's arguments are laid bare on paper where they can be sifted, weighed and measured. Sure there is oral argument in appellate practice, but it is that-argument and not a cross-examination.

Furthermore, in a trial setting, we lawyers have certain rules of procedure, evidence and ethics that limit how cross-examination is used because we know how cross-examination as a technique can be misused. From what I have seen of Mr. White's debates, there are no similar rules. Instead, sophistry and trick questions seem to be the guiding principle. Many times, White's cross-examination questions are patterned after the old "so when did you stop beating your wife" or false initial premise type question than anything that is designed to get at the truth.

Plainly, my comments posted in a commbox in response to Mr. Armstrong’s paper composed my opinions, or more precisely, my self-expression. In no way could my self-expression be construed as an argument exactly because I did not give reasons to support my opinion. By engaging in mere self-expression, I was not obligated to give reasons for my opinion. At the time, I was not making an argument with one of the four aims of argument in mind. My statement about Mr. White’s debating tactics was an affirmation of Mr. Armstrong’s argument, not the making of my own. My comment merely echoed the opinion of a number of Catholics and Protestants who have seen and heard his debates. Anyone searching any number of apologetics message boards and chat room threads can find such opinions so I will not take the time to list them here.

Although my statements constituted my self-expression, Mr. White chose to treat them as if they were actually an argument to convince or to persuade. Not only that, he responded to my statements as if they had been made during a debate. White said:

You will note, as usual, the complete lack of examples. Lots of ad-hominem, lots of personal observations and feelings, zero substance. Throw in a little mind reading, or spirit-reading, I guess, and you have another reason why attorneys should probably stay out of the debating field. (Emphasis added.)

Now that we were “debating,” White goes on the attack:

Now, Hoffer makes plenty of accusations. He accuses me of obscuring the truth. No examples given. He says the Holy Spirit is not moving me. No examples given, no basis for his ability to read my mind or heart provided. He says I am not interested in being factual or accurate. No examples given, no reason to accept his mind-reading abilities offered. He says it is all about "beating the other guy," but again, no examples offered, no foundation given. He makes reference to sophistry and trick questions, but, as easy as it would be to offer examples, he offers none. (Emphasis added).

Even though White easily refuted my “argument” by pointing out the fact that I actually didn’t make one, he did not rest there. He went conspiratorial and speculated about the true reasons why I expressed my opinion and then presented his speculation as if they were my reasons. First, he accused me of engaging in “[t]he typical "slash and burn personal attack in the service of Mother Church methodology that is the norm of RC apologetics these days.” Second, he states, “But, as we have seen over the years, there is this thing about "Mother Church" standing in the way. In a sense, the Roman Catholics share with the Muslims their own form of taqiyya. As long as slander and falsehood is uttered in the service of Mother Church, all is well. It is OK.” (Emphasis added).

If this is not a sophistry, what is? Is Mr. White so combative a person that he is willing to confront people by taking their self-expression, and pretend that they constitute an argument made during the course of a debate? Apparently so. Then, not resting to savor his victory over another perfidious papist, he uses the occasion to calumniate against the Catholic Church by demeaning the men and women who defend the Faith and by making a base comparison between a purported Islamic practice of dissimulation and the apologetic work these Catholic men and women do. Is there any wonder a person might question White’s motives behind his use of lawyer tricks in debate? If White honestly thought my statements were an example of Catholic taqiyya, if he truly believed that my statements amounted to “slash and burn” RC apologetics, and if he truly perceived himself the victim of Catholic persecution as he portrayed on his website and on the radio, it should have been an occasion for him to rejoice (cf. Mt. 5:10) rather than an occasion to force a dialectical duel. For anyone who is interested in what exactly taqiyya is, please read Taqiyya (last visited Nov. 25, 2007).

But, if Mr. White would rather be like a rash, young Gasçon from an Alexandre Dumas novel, willing to take up arms at every slight, real or imagined, so be it. However, he should first sell the buttercup-colored horse . . . or at least learn the difference between self-expression and an argument.

Cross-Exaggeration

If his abuse of rhetoric was not enough, White’s factual errors are worse. In the first article he wrote against me, Mr. White argues:

[W]ithout cross-examination, there is no debate. All you have is competing presentations that could have been prerecorded. No reason to get together in one place if the two sides are not going to directly interact. (Emphasis added).

James White’s contention notwithstanding, historically speaking, cross-examination has never been the sine qua non of debate. The reason he gives in support of this contention can easily be refuted by any serious student of history. Since the dawn of time, almost every culture has engaged in formal arguments styled as “debates.” And other than trials, very few, if any debates, ever featured cross-examination as a component. When educators teach debate, they generally set forth five objective criteria that make up a debate. Educators propose that a debate is (1) a confrontation, (2) between similarly matched contestants, (3) on a stated proposition, (4) wherein the contestants are given equal or adequate time to argue their points, (5) in order to gain a decision from a stated audience. Thus, to borrow Mr. White’s language, unless all five of the above-referenced elements are present, there is no debate.

Please note that cross-examination is not one of the five elements that comprise a debate. Cross-examination is merely a stylistic device used by debaters in certain formats of debate to help them make their points or to undermine their opponent’s argument. In fact, in the few historical debates that do contain cross-examination, they either are trials (See, e.g., the trial of Socrates as related in Plato’s Apology, Euthyphro, Crito and Phaedo) or a literary device used to teach (See, e.g., Theodoret’s Dialogues between Orthodoxos and Eranistes). The device of cross-examination, to my knowledge, simply was not a part of normal oral disputations for most of our western history.

I need to present only two examples for the reader’s consideration, either of which are sufficient, to refute White’s contention that without cross-examination, there is no debate.

In the Leipzig Disputation in 1519, Dr. Johann Eck first faced Andreas Karlstadt and then Fr. Martin Luther over a number of issues, including the authority of Pope. While scholars disagree about who “won” the debate, this debate plays a watershed moment in Christian history. It was here that Luther first defended the doctrine of sola scriptura. Unfortunately, a word-for-word transcript of the entire debate (at least not in English) does not seem to be available for public reading. However, enough of it appears in W.H.T. Day’s book titled The Leipzig Debate in 1519: Leaves from the Story of Luther’s Life. (St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House 1919) and Hans Hillerbrand’s collection of historical writings titled The Reformation: a Narrative History Related by Contemporary Observers and Participants (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers 1964), pgs. 64-76 to show that cross-examination does not appear to be a feature of that debate. See also, Scott Hendrix’s Luther and the Papacy (Fortress Press 1981), pgs. 84-91; Hartmann Grisar’s Martin Luther: His Life and Work, trans. Arthur Preuss (Westminster, MD: The Newman Press 1954), pgs. 111-117; and Luther’s Works (Vol. 31) Career of the Reformer: I, Harold Grimm, ed. (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press 1957) pgs. 309-325.

Using the five objective criteria set forth above: (1) there was a confrontation between Dr. Eck and Karstadt and Luther in which (2) each were given a similar if not equal amount of time to present their arguments and proof for the same (3) between matched contestants, all three of whom were highly-degreed or credentialed (4) on stated theses that were briefed extensively in writing prior to the actual debate, and (5) which were judged by the faculties of two distinguished universities. Thus, while there was no element of cross-examination, the Disputation of Leipzig of 1519 meets all of the criteria of a debate.

Just in case the reader perceives that the Disputation of Leipzig of 1519 was a historical aberration, I direct the reader’s attention to a significant event in American history–The Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858.

In 1858 throughout Illinois, two candidates for the United States Senate, Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas, appeared against each other in seven debates over the issue of slavery. While The Lincoln-Douglas Debates ostensibly constituted a series of debates between two Illinois senatorial candidates, they served to galvanize followers of both sides of the burning national issue of that time-slavery. While Lincoln did not win the 1858 Illinois senatorial race, these debates brought him to national prominence and ultimately propelled him into the presidency itself. Unlike the Leipzig debate, anyone can read the complete transcript of all seven of the debates between Messrs. Lincoln and Douglas at the National Park Service’s website here.

After reading all of these debates, the reader can apply the five objective components of a debate and find that: (1) there was a confrontation between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas (2) in which each person had a total of one and half hours to argue their position (3) who were equally qualified to run for the United States Senate (4) on stated resolutions which can be found at the beginning of the first debate (5) before the citizenry who were going to cast their votes to decide an election. And a fact that would perhaps astound Mr. White, between Lincoln, an accomplished lawyer of mythic proportions, nor Douglas, one of the ablest debaters in American history, nary a cross-examination session can be found anywhere in more than twenty-one hours of debate.

Now I pose the following questions to the reader, can anyone seriously claim that the Disputation of Leipzig in 1519 or any of the seven Lincoln-Douglas debates fail to qualify as debates merely because the participants did not have the good grace to cross-examine each other? Of course not! Can anyone seriously argue that the absence of cross-examination somehow prevented the debaters from interacting with each other or with their opponent’s arguments? Anyone who reads a transcript of these debates would not think so. Yet, even in the face of unalterable historical fact, White would have the reader believe that without cross-examination, debate of an issue could not occur. My response: “Contra factum non valet ulla argumentatio” a legal maxim which means, “Against a fact no amount of argument is of any use.”

Lincoln-Douglas Debate

Robert Marshall Root painting of Lincoln-Douglas Debate at Charleston

One more note before we leave this issue. Given White’s insistence on the importance of cross-examination, the reader may be surprised to learn that cross-examination was not even a feature of formal debate in high schools or colleges until sometime in the late 1950's or early 1960's. In 1970, the Cross Examination Debate Association was formed and since that time cross-examination has become a regular feature in both “Oregon style” team debates (commonly called cross-examination debates) and modern format Lincoln-Douglas debates (L-D debates). However, cross-examination is not a feature of other forms of debate. Anyone familiar with politics would know that cross-examination is not a feature of presidential debates, debates in any of our legislatures across the United States, or in oral arguments before any appellate court in the United States. Even at the high school and collegiate levels of debating, many schools still participate in the older form of L-D debates or in the Parliamentary debate format in which cross-examination is not a part of debate format.

Thus, contrary to White’s premise, people can debate without recourse to

cross-examination. If cross-examination is a component in White debate, it is only because he insists that it be a part of his debates and not out of necessity.

Picking Up the Gage:

To this point I have added asterisks to Mr. White’s obelisks. Now it is time to deal with the heart of White’s claim that my opinion that he misuses cross-examination during debates with his opponents must be false because I didn’t provide factual reasons when I made my statement on Mr. Armstrong’s commbox.

At the outset, Mr. White incorrectly assumes that because I did not provide my reasons in support of my opinion in a commbox, I must have not had any. As I will show from the examples set out here, I did have reasons for my opinion. There were two reasons for not listing them at the time. First, as a practical matter, I did believe that a commbox was an appropriate place to set forth the reasons for my opinion. After all, people read Mr. Armstrong’s blog to obtain the benefit of Mr. Armstrong’s insights, not those of Paul Hoffer. Second, given the complexity of the issues being discussed in the debates that I read or listened to on the internet upon which I formulated my opinion, I did not feel that I was truly qualified to represent the Catholic position on the underlying issues that were being debated. However, since Mr. White laid the mantle of apologist on me and has defamed the Catholic Church by the insinuation that Catholic apologists engage in taqiyya because of my comments, I felt that I was obligated to give a defense of my faith (1 Pt. 3:15). I pray to Our Lord and Savior that I can do so gently and reverentially.

In my prior comments regarding Mr. White, I stated that he used false initial premise type questions during his cross-examination of his opponents. Such questions fall under the fallacy of Plurium Interrogationum. Now I realize that reasonable people might disagree with my conclusions in the examples I will present here showing Mr. White’s misuse of such questions during cross-examination. They may quibble or try to refute the examples. They may even launch into some sort of defense showing how some Catholic debaters engage in the same conduct I have raised concerning James White. However, Mr. White has set the terms of the debate. He argues that I have NO reasons for my opinion. Thus, I need only present them and I win this “debate.” The reader can disagree with my argument if he chooses, but such disagreement does not negate the fact that I did have my reasons for making the claim.

Now, I could collect my “prize” for winning this debate once I present my examples and withdraw from the field of battle victorious with my honor vindicated. But, apologetics is not about winning debates; it’s about winning hearts and souls for Christ Jesus. I shall attempt to do more then.

Before I can explain what I mean by a false initial premise type question or Plurium Interrogationum, let me provide some background on what cross-examination is and more importantly, what it is not.

Cross-examination has been defined as:

The examination of a witness upon a trial or hearing, or upon the taking of a deposition, by the party opposed to the one who produced him, upon his evidence in chief, to test its truth, to further develop it, or for other purposes. The examination of a witness by a party other than the direct examiner upon a matter that is within the scope of the direct examination of the witness. Generally, the scope of examination is limited to matters covered on direct examination.

Black, Henry C. Black’s Law Dictionary. (St. Paul, MN: West Publishing Co. 1979.)

Now Mr. White insists:

[W]ithout cross-examination, there is no debate. All you have is competing presentations that could have been pre-recorded. No reason to get together in one place if the two sides are not going to directly interact.

Further, he states:

Regarding the assertion that cross-examination "is a tool that can be used to obscure or distort the truth as well as expose it," of course. Yet, the legal system continues to utilize it. In fact, it is basic to our system of justice to be able to face, and question, your accuser, is it not?

At the outset, I want to believe that White is not suggesting that the constitutional protections guaranteed to criminal defendants in the United States Constitution are necessary to protect participants in one of his debates. It has been a number of years since I have heard about a Catholic inquisitor or a Calvinist tribunal ordering heretics to be burnt at the stake. And I could be wrong, but I am unaware of anyone ever being incarcerated merely because they lost a debate in the United States of America. If I may be blunt, White’s analogy is simply false.

Aside from the facially defective analogy, White’s comparison fails on other levels as well.

While the great legal scholar, J. H. Wigmore, once described cross-examination as "the greatest engine ever invented for discovering the truth", the notion that cross-examination is used in trials for the purpose of uncovering the truth has for the most part gone by the wayside in modern American jurisprudence. Now, students of law are taught only more prosaic purposes for cross-examination:

1. Eliciting favorable testimony by getting the witness to admit those facts that support your case in chief and are consistent with your theory of the case, etc...

2. Conducting a destructive cross to discredit the witness and/or the witness’ testimony.

Mauet, Thomas E., Trial Techniques, Sixth Ed. (New York: Aspen Publishers 2002), § 7.3.

Conspicuously absent from the above-listed enunciated purposes for cross-examination is “discovering the truth.” In fact, in our modern American system of jurisprudence, the truth is often sacrificed for what the law considers to be more important principles, particularly when it comes to cross-examination which Mr. White insists is the core of all debates. Former Supreme Court Justice Byron White, one of the two dissenting votes in the original Roe vs. Wade decision, summed up the role that cross-examination plays in the system of justice in his opinion in the case of United States vs. Wade (1967), 388 U.S. 218:

[D]efense counsel has no comparable obligation to ascertain or present the truth. If he can confuse a witness, even a truthful one, or make him appear at a disadvantage, unsure or indecisive, that will be his normal course. More often than not, defense counsel will cross-examine a prosecution witness, and impeach him if he can, even if he thinks the witness is telling the truth, just as he will attempt to destroy a witness who he thinks is lying. As part of the duty imposed on the most honorable defense counsel, we countenance or require conduct which in many instances has little, if any, relation to the search for truth."

Id. at 256-258.

Charles Maechling, another prominent legal scholar, opined in his essay titled, The Crisis of American Criminal Justice, published in the 1996 edition of the COSMOS Journal that the adversarial format is at its worst in “the ritual of cross- examination.” Under cross-examination, a witness who gives as frank and truthful a statement as he can remember can expect to have his credibility destroyed. Furthermore, any effort of the witness to explain his answers are cut off through an aggressive cross-examination. The cross-examiner’s goal is to create inconsistency, ambiguity and incoherence in his opponent’s case in order to make his own case more plausible and appear more truthful by demonstrating consistency. In our system of justice, cross-examination is more often used to confuse the jury rather than narrowing testimony down to a hard core of fact. The aim of the cross-examiner is not to elicit the truth but to discredit the witness. I would submit that upon reading some of White’s cross-examination sessions, one could readily see that White wholeheartedly embraces this concept of cross-examination.

This notion that cross-examination is not used as “an engine of truth” is equally true in debating. In Alfred Snider’s The Code of the Debater: Introduction to the Way of Reason, there six objectives of cross-examination listed: (1) to clarify points, (2) to expose errors, (3) to obtain admissions, (4) to set up your arguments, (5) to save prep time and (6) to show the judges (or audience) how cool you are so they WANT to vote for you. After watching and listening to White’s debates he has posted under his YouTube pseudonym, Dr. Oakley, he appears to be really big into that sixth objective. Thus, getting at the truth is not a primary objective of cross-examination in an oral debate either.

I submit that this is more so true when the debater is willing to use “trick” questions as a part of his cross-examination arsenal. I referenced one type of question that Mr. White likes to use in his debates: the “initial false premise question” a.k.a. the “loaded question” a.k.a. the “complex question” or what rhetoricians call, Plurium Interrogationum.

Simply put, one engages in Plurium Interrogationum when he asks a question which contains a false, disputed or question-begging presupposition or premise. I gave the obvious example of this type of question, “Did you stop beating your wife?” The question first presupposes 1) you are married and 2) that some time prior to the question being asked, you beat your wife. Now, the problem is that the form of the question only allows the responder to answer the question two ways. If the responder says ‘yes’ then he has admitted that he has beaten his wife. If the responder says ‘no’, then an ambiguity arises from which the fact-finder or audience can infer that the responder has not stopped beating his wife when in fact the responder in all likelihood is actually stating that he never had beaten his wife in the first place. Thus, when the questioner uses an “initial false premise question” he is hoping that the responder will fall into the trap of attempting to answer the question without challenging the underlying premise of the question. If the responder does attempt to answer the question, he can not hope to answer it without implying a false premise as truth.

Obviously, someone who uses Plurium Interrogationum in cross-examination is not interested in getting at the truth. He may be interested in undermining the credibility of his opponents’ argument. He may be interested in trying to create the illusion that his own case is more plausible or consistent. He may be interested in a number of things, but getting at the truth is not one of them.

If Mr. White’s debates were truly the adversarial fora he claims where one could face his accusers, which is one of the reasons White advances in support of his requirement of cross-examination in his debates, the responder could interpose an objection or reject to answer the question if they recognize the attempt to use Plurium Interrogationum. But White’s debates do not have an impartial arbiter present to decide the fairness of the question. There is no judge to which one could appeal for a ruling. The moderator is merely the time-keeper. Even in a high school or collegiate debate, the responder could demand that the questioner “divide the question” so that the questioner is forced to lay a foundation before proceeding to the second question.

Continuing with the “wife-beating” example, if the responder could object or force the question to be divided, the questioner would then have to lay a foundation and first ask, “Are you married?” If the answer to that first question is in the affirmative, the questioner could then proceed with the second question, “Have you ever beat your wife?” Only if the answer to this second question is “Yes,” thereby laying a proper foundation for the next question, could the questioner ask, “Are you still doing so now?”

There are a number of these type of questions throughout Mr. White’s debates. However, in all fairness, I had only two of them in mind when I wrote my opinion back on July 12, 2007. I will restrict myself to writing about those two examples and let the reader decide whether my opinion had any validity when I made it.

EXAMPLE NO. 1: from the Debate

“Does The Bible Teach Sola Scriptura?”

Gerry Matatics vs. James White
November, 1992
Omaha, Nebraska

During the debate on sola scriptura, James White asked Gerry Matatics, a former Catholic apologist, the following question during cross-examination:

“You accuse me of mis-citing Matthew 15:6 and I hope you'll attempt to clarify that but in Matthew 15:6 we are told that the Scribes and Pharisees nullified the Word of God for the sake of the their tradition. My assertion was, this means that this means the Scripture is to be used as the test of anything, even that which claims to be divine tradition. Now Basil said the following: "Their hearers taught in the Scriptures ought to test what is said by teachers and accept that which agrees with the Scriptures but reject that which is foreign." Now if Scripture is a subset of tradition, how can Christians do as Christ commanded and as Basil exhorted, that is to test what you allege is divine tradition? How can I test what you say is divine tradition?”

[Note: The text of the debate may be found here.]

Now, James White has loaded this question with a number of questionable premises. Does Mt. 15:6 actually stand for the proposition that Scripture is to be used as the test of any tradition, even divine tradition? Was the tradition nullified the Word of God being discussed here ever considered a divine tradition by the Pharisees? What was the actual tradition? Further, did St. Basil ever write that the hearers of Scripture were to “reject “ anything that was “foreign to” or not found in the Scriptures. If Scripture is considered to be a subset of Tradition, would that preclude Scripture from being used to “test” divine tradition?

Like the presumption that I did not have any reasons for my opinion, Mr. White’s presumptions loaded up in this question are wrong.

There have been many Catholic apologists who have addressed the false premise underlying Mr. White’s claim that the Catholic Church makes Scripture a “subset of tradition,” and precludes it from being used to test divine tradition. Mr. Armstrong and other Catholic apologists have written extensively on the Catholic position on the relationship between Scripture and Apostolic Tradition. [In addition to the writings of Mr. Armstrong, I would also suggest that the reader take the time to read Msgr. George Agius’ Tradition and the Church (Boston: The Stratford Company, 1928) reprinted with minor revisions, (Rockford, IL: TAN Books and Publishers, 2005)]. Thus, I do not feel that it is necessary to repeat their effort here. Besides, this issue was not one of the reasons that I used to form my opinion.

However, let’s deal with the other premises raised by White because I did have them in mind when I commented on Mr. Armstrong’s blog.

As for the alleged quote from St. Basil the Great, White does not identify the published work from which he took the quote. However, having read excerpts of St. Basil’s writings on Apostolic Tradition before, I was somewhat surprised that St. Basil wrote such a thing. So I went to four different university libraries (the University of Akron, Franciscan University of Steubenville, Ashland Theological Seminary, and Walsh University) to try to find the work of St. Basil where White obtained the quotation. I was not successful. All was not lost as I did find a similar quote when I read Rule 72 in St. Basil’s The Morals:

Concerning the hearers: that those hearers who are instructed in the Scriptures should examine what is said by the teachers, receiving what is in conformity with the Scriptures and rejecting what is opposed to them; and that those who persist in teaching such doctrines should be strictly avoided.

St. Basil, Bishop of Caesarea. Ascetical Works: The Morals. (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1962; Vol. 9 in the Fathers of the Church series, Sr. M. Monica Wagner, trans.).

Now the word “foreign” does not appear in this translation. Here, noone can pretend that St. Basil said anything remotely that could be construed as an affirmation of sola scriptura. St. Basil did not tell the reader to reject anything “foreign” to Scripture. He exhorted the hearers to reject only those things that were taught that were opposed to or contrary to Scripture.

Even if White would deign to tell us where he got his quote, one would have to question the accuracy of his translation as Sister Wagner’s translation squares with what St. Basil wrote elsewhere in The Morals and his other writings. We find in The Morals, Rule 12, Capital 2:

‘Then the Pharisees and scribes asked him: Why do not thy disciples walk according to the tradition of the ancients, but they eat bread with unwashed hands? But he answering said to them: Well did Isais prophesy of you hypocrites, as it is written: This people honoureth me with their lips but their heart is far from me. And in vain do they worship me, teaching doctrines and precepts of men. For leaving the commandment of God, you hold the traditions of men,’ etc. [Mk. 7:5-8] (This is the parallel passage to Mt. 15:6)

To which St. Basil provides the following comment:

“That we should observe everything without exception which has been handed down by the Lord through the Gospel and the Apostles.” (Emphasis Added).

For the non-Greek scholars among us (meaning the rest of world other than Mr. White), the term “something that has been handed down” is the definition of the Greek word paradosis, literally translated by many Bible scholars as “Tradition.” St. Basil is telling the faithful to follow Tradition as passed down through the written Gospel as well as the Tradition handed down by the Apostles. Mr. White must not have read the whole book otherwise he would have been aware that St. Basil provided an interpretation of Mt. 15:6 that explains how one tests divine tradition. If the tradition was handed down by the Lord through the Gospels or by the Apostles, it must be observed.

St. Basil’s true understanding of the role of Apostolic Tradition can also be easily discerned from his treatise, De Spiritu Sancto (On the Holy Spirit) which can be found here:

But all the apparatus of war has been got ready against us; every intellectual missile is aimed at us; and now blasphemers' tongues shoot and hit and hit again, yet harder than Stephen of old was smitten by the killers of the Christ. And do not let them succeed in concealing the fact that, while an attack on us serves for a pretext for the war, the real aim of these proceedings is higher. It is against us, they say, that they are preparing their engines and their snares; against us that they are shouting to one another, according to each one's strength or cunning, to come on. But the object of attack is faith. The one aim of the whole band of opponents and enemies of "sound doctrine" [1 Timothy 1:10] is to shake down the foundation of the faith of Christ by leveling apostolic tradition with the ground, and utterly destroying it. So like the debtors,of course bona fide debtorsthey clamor for written proof, and reject as worthless the unwritten tradition of the Fathers. (On the Holy Spirit, Chapter 10:25) (Emphasis added)

Of the beliefs and practices whether generally accepted or enjoined which are preserved in the Church, some we possess derived from written teaching; others we have delivered to us in a mystery by the apostles by the tradition of the apostles; and both of these in relation to true religion have the same force. (On the Holy Spirit, Chapter 27:66) (Emphasis added)

In answer to the objection that the doxology in the form with the Spirit has no written authority, we maintain that if there is not another instance of that which is unwritten, then this must not be received [as authoritative]. But if the great number of our mysteries are admitted into our constitution without [the] written authority [of Scripture], then, in company with many others, let us receive this one. For I hold it apostolic to abide by the unwritten traditions. 'I praise you,' it is said [by Paul in l Cor. 11:1] that you remember me in all things and keep the traditions just as I handed them on to you,' and Hold fast to the traditions that you were taught whether by an oral statement or by a letter of ours' [2 Thess. 2:15]. One of these traditions is the practice which is now before us [under consideration], which they who ordained from the beginning, rooted firmly in the churches, delivering it to their successors, and its use through long custom advances pace by pace with time" (On the Holy Spirit, Chapter 29:71). (Emphasis Added)

After reading the above passages from his writings, it is plain that St. Basil’s alleged belief in sola scriptura has be greatly exaggerated. White picked a phrase out St. Basil’s writings, distorted its meaning until it could be used as a weapon against Romish doctrines, and then presented it as a sort of proof text that this early church father approved of a thoroughly Protestant invention–sola scriptura. This exaggeration typifies the sort of Protestant apologetics which James White practices and the sort which John Henry Cardinal Newman commented on in his book, Lectures on the Present Position of Catholics in England Addressed to the Brothers of the Oratory in the Summer of 1851, pages 322-323:

Picked verses, bits torn from the context, half sentences, are the warrant of the Protestant Idea, of what is Apostolic truth, on the one hand, and, on the other, of what is Catholic falsehood. As they have their chips and fragments of St. Paul and St. John, so have they their chips and fragments of Suarez and Bellarmine; and out of the former they make to themselves their own Christian religion, and out of the latter our Anti-Christian superstition. They do not ask themselves sincerely, as a matter of fact and history, What did the Apostles teach then? nor do they ask sincerely, and as a matter of fact, What do Catholics teach now? They judge of the Apostles and they judge of us by scraps, and on these scraps they exercise their private judgment,that is, their Prejudice[.]

Excerpted from Characteristics from the Writings of J.H. Newman. (New York: D. & J. Sadlier & Co. 1876), arr. by William S. Lilly with the Author’s approval)

After placing the picked verse from The Morals back into context with all of St. Basil’s writings, it becomes clear that the kind of teacher that St. Basil tells us to reject in The Morals, Rule 72 is the James White kind. Mr. White’s teaching is opposed to the teachings that have been passed down to us in the Scriptures and the teachings of the apostles and should be rejected.

Now to deal with Mt. 15:6 directly. . .

Mr. White’s reference to Mt. 15:6 in his question to Mr. Matatics is from the pericope contained at Mt. 15:1-9 often cited or alluded to by White in his defense of sola scriptura. White has claimed in his writings that the point of this passage is that Jesus rejected of the authority of the tradition of the elders. White goes on to equate the tradition of the elders with Apostolic or Sacred Tradition as taught by the Catholic Church. This particular view is exemplified by what he wrote on pages 68-69 of his book, The Roman Catholic Controversy (Minneapolis: Bethany House Publishing 1996):

Here we find the Lord providing us with the example that we must follow. The Jewish leaders objected to the fact that the disciples did not follow the rigorous hand-washing rituals of the Pharisees. They identified this as a breaking of the "tradition of the elders." They firmly believed that this body of tradition was authoritative, and some even believed that it had been passed down from Moses himself, though this is surely without warrant. But does Jesus accept this claim of authority?

Not at all! Instead, he launches a counter-attack against these leaders by pointing out how they nullify the command of God through the following of their own traditions, specifically in this case, with reference to the corban rule, whereby a man could dedicate his belongings to the Temple and hence not support his parents in their old age. The Lord Jesus holds this traditional teaching up to the light of Scripture, and finds it wanting. It is vital to realize that the Jews viewed the corban rule as part of the 'tradition of the elders.' This was, to them, a divine tradition with divine authority. They did not simply view it as a mere "tradition of men," but as a concept revealed by God and passed down into the body of such teachings entrusted to the "elders" of the faith.

The parallels to the Roman claim regarding Sacred Tradition are many. While Rome may claim divine authority for her supposedly sacred traditions, and even subjugate Scripture so as to make it a part of "Sacred Tradition," needing other aspects such as the supposedly apostolic, unwritten traditions, and the authority of the magisterium of the Church, the person who wishes to follow the example of Christ will hold such traditions up to the light of Scripture, knowing how fearful it is to be found guilty of nullifying the word of God for the sake of merely human traditions. The Lord Jesus subjugated even this allegedly "divine tradition" to the higher and hence supreme authority, the Scriptures. This is most important, for the most common response to the citation of this passage with reference to Roman tradition is, "Well, the passage refers to testing human traditions, not divine traditions." Yet, when it comes to authority, any tradition, no matter what it’s alleged pedigree, is to be tested by the known standard, the Holy Scriptures. (Emphasis added)

While White likes to compare Catholic teaching with the Pharisaic “tradition of the elders,” his writings suggest that he has only a passing understanding of what the “tradition of the elders” actually was. This becomes more obvious from the discussion which appears on Mr. Armstrong’s website found here: Refutation of James White: Moses' Seat, the Bible, and Tradition (Introduction) (+ Part I | Part II | Part III | Part IV | Part V | Part VI | Parts VII & VIII). White has made the effort to learn only enough about the “tradition of the elders” so that it can be twisted into a weapon for use in his attacks on Catholicism.

Now mind you, this is from an attorney’s perspective, who according to White should not attempt to debate, but my reading of the pericope at Mt. 15:1-9 is much different than White’s. I contend that the Old Testament not only allowed for a “tradition of the elders,” more commonly known now as the Oral Torah, but expressly mandated the existence of such an authoritative tradition. Since the Torah is in fact a legal document which spells out the Law of God, it would be helpful to look at this issue from a legal perspective.

Initially, we have to look at Protestants view the purpose of sola scriptura. Primarily, if not exclusively, the Protestant uses sola scriptura to focus on soteriology. The Protestant focuses on issues such as: What is the Gospel? How is one saved? What must one believe in order to go to heaven? However, such a focus is the fatal flaw in the Protestant doctrine of sola scriptura as it glosses over the fact that God’s covenant with Israel described in the first five books of the Bible, the Torah, is at its core, a constitution much like the Constitution of the United States written in 1787. The Torah is the foundational document written by God himself creating a covenant people, a nation. God created the Hebrew people through the establishment of the Law as to how they were to live and how to show their thanks and gratitude to God. A Jew of that time who did not have any real notion of a resurrection or an after life was not concerned with how he was to be saved, but with how he was to faithfully live within the Law.

Drawing further on the analogy of our U.S. Constitution, anyone who has read it realizes that it is simply not sufficient to deal with daily situations that occur in a person’s life. It primarily provides the framework upon which our laws are based. Likewise, the Torah is simply not sufficient to describe how the Law was to be applied to every situation that may arise in one’s life. For example, the Third Commandment (Ex. 20:10) forbids all work on the Sabbath. However, for the law-observant Jew, what was work? Further, what was a law-observant Jew supposed to do when two different passages of the written Law of God appeared to contradict or conflict with each other. One such situation is found at Ex. 12:9 and Deut. 16:7. In Exodus, the Passover offering was to be roasted. In Deuteronomy, the same offering was to be boiled. This conflict appears to have been resolved at 2 Chron. 35:13 where “according to the ordinance” the Passover lamb was roasted and the other offerings were boiled. Who made the ordinance that resolved the conflict?

Thus, like our US Constitution, the Torah requires an authoritative interpreter. In our system of law, that duty falls to our judicial system since the holding of Marbury vs. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803) wherein the Supreme Court held that it is the final authoritative interpreter of the Constitution and our laws. The Torah likewise shows that the court system established by Moses was given the authority to interpret the Law of Moses a.k.a. the written Torah.

In Exodus itself, we see the genesis of how the Oral Torah came to be. At Ex. 18:13-27, we find Moses establishing a court system to interpret the law because he got overwhelmed with people coming to him to settle their disputes and making known God’s statutes and His decisions. At the pinnacle, Moses would “teach them the statutes and the decisions, and show the Israelites the way in which they must walk and what they must do.” BTW, the word halachah which is then name given to the precepts of the Oral Torah later written down in the Mishnahhh comes from the word “to walk” (Ex. 18:20) Moreover, Moses was to choose able men from all the people, who feared God, who were trustworthy, and who hated bribes and then place such men over the people as their rulers. These rulers were to judge the people at all times; every great matter they were to bring to him, but any small matter they were to decide themselves. (Ex. 18:21-22) Scripture records that Moses did choose his judges from the people and “they judged the people at all times; hard cases they brought to Moses, but any small matter they decided themselves.” (Ex. 18:25-26)

Thus, we see that Moses established a judiciary to interpret the Law prior to receiving the Decalogue. And when he received the written Law from God, judges were already sitting in Moses’ place making decisions and deciding disputes.

Likewise at Numbers 11: 14-17, we find God telling Moses to gather seventy men from the elders of Israel and bring them to Him. Once gathered, God would take some of the spirit which was upon Moses and confer it upon the men so that they would be able to judge the people and the people would know that God gave the elders the right to judge them.

In the first chapter of Deuteronomy we find Moses having a conversation with the sons of Israel who he asked to “choose wise, understanding, and experienced men, according to your tribes, and I will appoint them as your heads.” The sons of Israel complied. He then charged the men chosen to judge to hear the cases between brethren and judge righteously for their judgment is God’s judgment. (Deut. 1:13-18).

Another descriptive passage is found at Deuteronomy 17:8-11:

If any case arises requiring decision between one kind of homicide and another, one kind of legal right and another, or one kind of assault and another, any case within your towns which is too difficult for you, then you shall arise and go up to the place which the LORD your God will choose, and coming to the Levitical priests, and to the judge who is in office in those days, you shall consult them, and they shall declare to you the decision. Then you shall do according to what they declare to you from that place which the LORD will choose; and you shall be careful to do according to all that they direct you; according to the instructions which they give you, and according to the decision which they pronounce to you, you shall do; you shall not turn aside from the verdict which they declare to you, either to the right hand or to the left. (Emphasis Added).

Interestingly, Jesus used almost identical language to describe the authority of the Pharisees to interpret the Law at Mt. 23:3. This court had the same divine authority as Moses to judge the people. Their judgment was God’s judgment.

Further note that at Deut. 10:12-13, Moses is instructing the people as to the essence of the Law. Part of that instruction was to keep all of the commandments and statutes of God and to obey the judges, elders and magistrates’ interpretation and decisions pertaining to the Law. To make a decision necessarily involved interpretation of the Law and application of the interpretation to a particular factual situation. These judgments took on a divine significance importance because their judgment was God’s judgment. See also, Dt. 1:17.

This was not an one-time event. We see at 2 Chronicles 19:4-11 that King Jehoshaphat went out among the people, from Beer-sheba to the hill country of Ephraim, to bring them back to God. To insure that they did not relapse, he appointed judges in the land in all the cities of Judah. At verses 6-7, he repeats what Moses said when he appointed judges, "Consider what you do, for you judge not for man but for the LORD; he is with you in giving judgment. Now then, let the fear of the LORD be upon you; take heed what you do, for there is no perversion of justice with the LORD our God, or partiality, or taking bribes." At verse 8 Jehoshaphat then appointed certain Levites and priests and heads of families of Israel, “to give judgment for the LORD and to decide disputed cases.” Their seat was at Jerusalem. He then sets forth their duties which included rendering judgment in disputes concerning law, commandments and ordinances. (Verses 9-10). Frank Crusemann, in his book The Torah. (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1996) states that this passage refers to a “collision of norms” as compliance with one judgment may create a conflict or cause that person to disobey another judgment. A sanctioned interpretative authority was necessary to clarify to what is permitted and what was required. Not only did the judges make decisions, they also taught and interpreted as well. From this passage of Scripture, it becomes obvious that the judges were given authority to resolve disputes arising from collisions between laws, To exercise this authority required an authoritative agency, a system of judges appointed to decide which law was to be given priority, and a system of teaching that allowed them to interpret and establish precedents. The Oral Torah is merely the binding decisions and precedents of these judges.

Thus, contrary to White’s presuppositions, the Oral Torah, which the Pharisees called the “tradition of the elders,” is not some sort of extra-biblical contrivance, but Scripture tells us that it was ordained by God Himself. Because of the lack of legal detail, apparent inconsistencies and ambiguities in the written Torah, it had to be interpreted and supplemented with the legal decisions of the judges and elders. God through Moses created a teaching office to interpret and supply instruction. This is the Seat of Moses referred to at Mt. 23:1. If one were to actually read the Mishnah, a written compilation and commentary of the Oral Torah, for what it actually was and not merely as tool to be used against Catholicism one would find that the Oral Torah was divinely inspired, not because the elders and sages believe it contained their traditions passed on from chain of teachers to disciples beginning with Moses, but because God through Moses gave them the authority to sit in judgment and interpret Scripture in God’s name. It is those judgments that make up the Oral Torah. In short, the Oral Torah is the religious equivalent of a Corpus Juris Secundum.

One more thing to address before I move on to my next point. Once one accepts the idea that the office of teaching and instruction was given to the sages and elders from God Himself, it becomes clear why Jesus was so pointed against the Pharisees at Mt. 23:1-36. Jesus recognized that the Pharisees, the successors to the sages and elders, were legitimately sitting in the Moses’ seat and that gabve them the right to teach and instruct. However, because they did not follow what they taught and because they did not they judge righteously, they violated their mandate from God. That is why Jesus said to practice and follow carefully whatever they (the Pharisees) taught, but not what they did, because they did not practice what they preached. (Mt. 23:1-3). Each of the woes Jesus spoke against the Pharisees go to some aspect of how the Pharisees did not live up to the awesome responsibility that was conferred upon them in Deuteronomy, Numbers and 2 Chronicles.

For example, at Mt. 23:23, Jesus says, “Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you tithe mint and dill and cummin, and have neglected the weightier matters of the law, justice and mercy and faith; these you ought to have done without neglecting the others.” Here, Jesus expressly recognized the Pharisees’ authority to interpret the law, but decried their failure to prioritize. One of the principle themes of the Gospel of Matthew is Jesus’ emphasis on love and righteousness which for Him (and us) should take priority over the finer details of the Law.

Ultimately, Jesus conferred on His apostles the same authority that the Pharisees who sat in the Moses seat had , first to Peter at Mt. 16:19 and then to the rest of the apostles at Mt. 18:18. Part of the authority implicit the words “to bind” and “to loose” is the authority to make decisions and interpret. To ensure that their decisions would be binding on His Church, Jesus had the Holy Spirit come and rest upon the Apostles (Acts 1:8; 2:1-13) just as God allowed His Spirit to be put upon the elders at Num. 11:25.

Now from what I have seen of White’s writings, it would appear that he perceives that the Pharisees were some sort of monolithic movement who all taught and believed the same doctrines, tenets, and beliefs. In truth, they did not. To summarize: the Pharisees congregated in a number of schools all of which had different teaching, different rituals, and different philosophies how the Scriptures should be interpreted. History tells us that the two main schools at the time of Jesus’ ministry here on earth, Bet Hillel and Bet Shammai., were often at loggerheads over the interpretation of God’s Word. Usually, the students of Bet Hillel were more liberal in their interpretation of Scripture in contrast to the students of Bet Shammai who were considered strict constructionists. The Gospels record that the Pharisees, recognizing Jesus’ authority to teach and even came to Him to get His opinion as to which school’s interpretation of Scripture or teaching was correct. Bet Shammai, however, was the predominant party of the Pharisees at the time and it was with their strict, literal interpretation of the Scriptures Jesus most often had a disagreed with. (A notable exception: Mt. 19:3-12). I will attempt to show that the incident recorded at Mt. 15:1-9 is one such occasion.

James White, himself, has noted in his writings, debates and internet chatting, the foundational tenet of the Oral Torah is found in the Pirke Avot (The Ethics of the Fathers) 1:1:

Moses received the Torah from Sinai, and handed it down to Joshua, and Joshua to the elders, and the elders to the prophets, and the prophets to the men of the Great Synagogue. They said three things, “Be deliberate in judgment, raise up many disciples, and make a fence about the Torah.”

While James White does not think much of the “tradition of the elders” a.k.a. the Oral Torah, the Gospels show that Jesus thought different. I could show numerous examples in the Gospels of how Jesus followed the Oral Torah. Jesus practiced the rituals taught in the Oral Torah, went to synagogue, an institution created in the Oral Torah, and cited to many of the halachah found in the Oral Torah. A Jewish friend of mine once told me during a lengthy bike trip that our Gospels were our halachah. Jesus taught much like a Pharisee, he debated much like a Pharisee, He preached like a Pharisee. His teaching and His responses to the issues raised by Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees all show a great deal of deliberation in judgment. Jesus also followed the Pirke Avot by raising up many disciples. The Gospels show that Jesus not only hand-picked twelve apostles to learn His teaching, but He also gathered numerous disciples as well. Also, any Rabbi who reads the Sermon of the Mount would recognize it as Jesus’s teachings as to how to build a fence around the Torah.

But what about the “clear” teaching at Mt. 15:1-9 condemning of the tradition of the elders?

First, Scripture does not tell us which school the Pharisees from Jerusalem belonged to. It is doubtful that they were sent by the Great Sanhedrin to evaluate Jesus’ teachings as the Saducees controlled that body at that time. I do not think that Saducees would have sent Pharisees to scout Jesus out.

It is also unlikely that the Pharisees were from Bet Hillel. As we discussed earlier, the Mishnah records the legal precedent and decisions of the great Pharisaic teachers and Rabbis. The Mishnah records one such discussion among the Pharisees and Rabbis over the issue of the validity of a vow made by a son to dedicate to God what he should be using to support his parents. m. Nedarim 1 states:

R. Eliezer says: They may open for men the way (to repentance) by reason of the honour due to father and mother. But the Sages forbid it. R. Zadok said: Rather than open the way for a man by reason of the honour due to father and mother, they should open the way for him by reason of the honour due to God; but if so, there could be no vows. But the Sages agree with R. Eliezer that in a matter between a man and his father and mother, the way may be opened to him by reason of the honour due to his father and mother.

There are two Rabbis named in this passage from the Nedarim, Zadok and Eliezer. Both of these men were alive at the time of destruction of the Temple in 70 A.D. almost 40 years after Jesus was crucified. The Jewish Encyclopedia identifies Rabbi Zadok as a Shammaite. See, JewishEncyclopedia.com at the entry Bet Hillel and Bet Shammai. However, Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrcanus was educated by Rabbi Johanan ben Zakkal, a Hillelite. See, here. While it must be admitted that Rabbi Eliezer was later excommunicated for becoming a Shammaite by the Hillelite faction which controlled the Sanhedirin after the destruction of the Temple, it does not prove fatal to my argument. The sole Rabbi opposing the annulment of a corban vow was Zadok, a Shammaite. Thus, it would be safe to infer that the Pharisees who came from Jerusalem to see Jesus at Mt. 15:1-9 were also from Bet Shammai.

The next problem with Mr. White’s claims that Jesus condemned the tradition of the elders is that the Talmud, the written form of the Oral Torah incorporating the “tradition of the elders,” does not contain the so-called corban rule. As we have noted above, Mishnah Nedarim 9:1 shows that the elders authoritatively decided that a son’s vow to dedicate to God what would be used to support his parent could be annulled. In short, the precedent set forth in the tradition of the elders agreed with the teaching of Jesus! James White’s corban rule was never a part of the tradition of the elders.

Now White could say that the Mishnah doesn’t count because it wasn’t written until much later after Jesus’ death. However, his assertion assumes too much. Since the corban rule was not a part of the tradition of the elders Jesus could not have been condemning the tradition of the elders itself. At the time Jesus issued His condemnation of the practice, the sages had not yet reached an authoritative judgment on the issue of whether a son’s corban vow could be annulled. Thus, Jesus must have been condemning something else.

Keeping in mind that the Pharisees and the scribes built fences around the commandments of the written Torah, one has to look at what commandment the Pharisees here were trying to protect with their so-called corban rule. White wholly ignores this essential aspect of the Pirke Avot in his exegesis of Mt. 15:1-9. Mark 7:1-13 tells us that the corban rule was a vow. The Old Testament dealt extensively with vow, particularly in the first five books, the Written Torah. The written Torah expressly forbade corban vows from being annulled. See, Num. 30:2; Deut. 23:21-23 as well as Lev. 27:33. See also, Cairus, Aecio. The Heartless Corban Vow (Mark 7:11). AASS 4 (2001): 3-7. In Leviticus Chapter 27, it even states that a person who tried to redeem or annul a corban vow would not only lose the property that was dedicated, but additional property would be subject to forfeiture as well. Thus, these particular Pharisees from Jerusalem refused to annul a son’s vow for the simple reason that the Written Torah did not permitted such a vow from being annulled without committing a serious sin. Using James White’s argument in his debate with Mr. Matatics, the Pharisees from Jerusalem were guilty of nothing but applying the principles of sola scriptura to this issue. If Jesus believed in sola scriptura as White and Protestant tradition contends, why would Jesus rebuke these Pharisees for following the literal Word of God set forth at Num. 30:2 and elsewhere? After all, one need only look to the account of Jephthah in the book of Judges to see how important it was to keep one’s vows.

At Judges 11:29-40, Jephthah vowed to sacrifice the first thing that came through his door to God if he was victorious in battle. When Jephthah came home victorious, his daughter was the first thing that came through his door. According to his vow, he was compelled to sacrifice his own daughter despite the clear prohibition against human sacrifice. Jephthah violated one commandment of God to keep another. This clearly displays a collision of norms that was discussed earlier. Likewise, the situation discussed at Mt. 15:1-9 was a similar collision of norms. Resort could not be had to the Written Torah. One would have to look elsewhere.

As we have seen, the Oral Torah ultimately taught that a corban vow could be annulled. The reason for this decision can found in how the sages viewed relationships between man and God and one’s neighbors. Halachah found in the Oral Torah are generally divide into two categories: Laws in relation to God (bein adam le-Makom) and Laws about relations with other people (bein adam le-chavero). Violations of Commandments involving relations with other people are considered more serious in degree than ones only involving God in the Oral Torah, as one must obtain forgiveness both from the offended party and from God. See, e.g. “Kalot and Chamurot”: Gradation of Sin in Repentance. (Based on a Lecture by Harav Aharon Lichenstein) Adapted by Rabbi Reuven Ziegler and translated by Myles Brody which may be found here. Thus, where there was a conflict between a Law in relation to God versus a Law about the relations with other people, the Pharisees held that the person was to obey the latter over the former.

Echoes of this Pharisaic teaching can be found in the prayer that Jesus taught us, for it states:

And forgive us our trespasses,

As we forgive those who trespass against us. . . (Mt. 6:12)

Jesus further states at Mt. 6:14-15:

For if you forgive men their trespasses, your heavenly Father

will also forgive you; but if you do not forgive men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses.

Contrary to the assertions of James White and 400+ years of Protestant tradition of men, the “tradition” Jesus was rebuking was at best a teaching by one group of Pharisees who required vows to be kept because the written Word of God demanded it. Jesus’ plain teaching was that the Pharisees from Jerusalem made void the Word of God by refusing to annul a vow. Now, if we were to use James White’s spurious test for testing authority, that “when it comes to authority, any tradition, no matter what it’s alleged pedigree, is to be tested by the known standard, the Holy Scriptures,” we would have to conclude Jesus, the Son of God, flunked. Holy Scripture that Jesus knew so well expressly did not permit the annulment of a vow; only the Oral Torah did. He condemned these Pharisees at Mt. 15:1-9 for failing to apply the teachings of the Oral Torah to the situation which would have provided the Pharisees the correct solution. A commandment that required one to honor his parents took precedence over one that only honored God.


Hopefully, the reader now sees that the premises underlying White’s questioning directed to Mr. Matatics here are false or, at the very least, questionable. Wherefore, based on the above evidence and argument presented, I ask the reader to conclude that the question Mr. White used here constituted an improper false initial premise question.

EXAMPLE NO. 2: from the Debate

Purgatory: Biblical or Mythical?

James White vs. Fr. Peter Stravinskas

The Great Debate VI (2001)

Long Island, NY

“He is puffed up with conceit, he knows nothing; he has a morbid craving for controversy and for disputes about words, which produce envy, dissension, slander, base suspicions . . . ” (1 Tim.6:4) (Please take note that all bible verses I enumerate in this section are from the NAB unless noted differently.)

Wow! That’s a fascinating translation!”~James White

When a good trial lawyer cross-examines a witness, he does not go over every little thing the witness has testified about on direct examination. In fact, before an attorney even goes to trial, he or she anticipates what areas they want to cover on cross and will even have scripted the questions to be asked beforehand. Then during the actual cross-examination, the lawyer focuses on two or three points the witness testified about on direct which dovetail into the strategy the lawyer formulated before trial and uses those points as a foundation for the questioning.

In preparing for trial, a great trial lawyer will have rehearsed his cross-examination a number of times. Such an attorney will act out how the questioning will be done before the finder of fact in order to determine how to shift the emphasis from the witness’ answers to the questions themselves as if the roles were being reversed. Play acting is an important consideration in the cross- examiner’s arsenal so as to maximize the effect engendered when the witness falls into one of the attorney’s well-crafted traps and answers the questions the way the attorney wants. Paraphrasing Irving Younger, a famous trial attorney, cross-examination should be like an ambush behind lines, not an invasion of Europe. The witness should not see the trap coming.

In short, the success of a good cross-examination does not rest on luck, but on strategy. As I have taught my mock trial students, good lawyers may know how to intuit, but great lawyers know how to practice.

In the next example I wish to share with the reader, it becomes evident why James White is so insistent on cross-examination being a feature of his debates. He has learned the lessons that every great trial lawyer knows about cross-examination. White’s cross-examinations show that he follows a formulated strategy, prepares assiduously, and rehearses, rehearses, rehearses. What seems remarkable to his audience is merely the hallmark of a well-rehearsed trial lawyer, hence why I called White a hypocrite, the ancient Greek word for play actor, rather than accusation of rank hypocrisy as White portrayed.

How having a strategy for cross-examination can pay dividends can be shown from a line of questioning found in the debate between James White and Father Peter Stravinskas on the issue of whether the doctrine of Purgatory may be discerned from Scripture which occurred in 2001. During that debate, Mr. White took advantage of his opponent’s apparent lack of knowledge of koine Greek (I say “apparent” because White laid no foundation to show whether Fr. Stravinskas knew koine Greek) and used it to devastating effect during cross-examination. As I mentioned earlier, Justice Byron White wrote that it is the job of the cross-examiner to confuse a witness, even a truthful one, and make him appear at a disadvantage, unsure, or indecisive if it helps the cross-examiner cause. Witness how James White uses his knowledge of ancient Greek to put Father Stravinskas at such a disadvantage by making him appear unsure and indecisive about the Catholic Church’s traditional use of 1 Cor.3:10-15 in support of its teaching on Purgatory. So the reader will have a frame of reference in order to understand White’s cross-examination into context, I have set out the passage from the New American Bible with the transliterated koine Greek verses under the critical verses White is cross-examining on:

10. According to the grace of God given to me, like a wise master builder I laid a foundation, and another is building upon it. But each one must be careful how he builds upon it.

11. for no one can lay a foundation other than the one that is there, namely Jesus Christ.

12. If anyone builds on the foundation with gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, or straw,

13. the work of each will come to light, for the Day will disclose it. It will be revealed with fire, and the fire [itself] will test the quality of each one’s work.

14. If the work stands that someone built upon the foundation, he will receive a wage.

14. ei tinos to ergon menei o epoikodomEsen misthon lEmpsetai

15. But if someone’s work is burned up, that one will suffer loss; the person will be saved, but only as through fire.

15. ei tinos to ergon katakaEsetai zemiOthesetai autos de sOthEsetai houtOs de hOs dis poros

16. Do you not know that you are the temple of God, and that the Spirit of God dwells in you?

17. If any one destroys God’s temple, God will destroy that person; for the temple of God, which you are, is holy (1 Cor. 3:10-17) (emphasis added).


- - - - - - -

James White is the questioner.

Q. “In 1 Cor. Chapter 3, beginning at verse 10, what is your understanding, who is being discussed contextually in this passage?

A. “Starting at verse . . .

Q. “Well, just at 1 Cor. Chapter 3 in general. For example, when it says, ‘Let a man,” verse 10, ‘but let each one look to how he builds upon it.’ Who is being discussed here? Is it all saints? Is this Christian leaders? It this only . . . who . . . those . . . is it not saints, but those who have to go to Purgatory before becoming saints? How do you understand it?

A. “Well, Paul is talking about himself as the architect who laid the foundation, correct? And the process of the planting of the Gospel being done by various people.

Q. “So, specifically, the context then is referring to people who are involved in building the Church, ‘Let them be careful how they build upon the foundation I’ve laid.’ We would agree with that. Ok. Then when he goes on to talk about this building upon the foundation with gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay and stubble, what do you understand those words to refer to please?

A. “Well, he is referring to . . . notice he changes the pronoun at that point to you, which is to say, the cooperation of the believer in the work of the construction of the edifice.

Q. “Actually, he uses the indefinite there, ‘If anyone builds,” in verse 12 tense (?) is used there. So what do these things refer to then, the gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, stubble, what are those?

A. “One’s individual gifts, talents, etc.? Or the lack thereof? The non-use of these things? So that I have a talent that’s gold and instead I don’t use it is that perhaps straw being introduced into the edifice?

Q. “Ok . . . When it refers to the day revealing making manifest these works that are being built upon the foundation that there is going to be an apokalupsis is the actual term, that it’ll be apokaluptized by fire, is it your belief that what is being referred to here is Purgatorial sufferings in regard to temporal punishments of sins?

A. “I think first of all he is talking about the day of the Lord coming into the life of the individual and furthermore, the individual’s participation in that day of the Lord.

Q. “Do you believe that what is being referred to in verse 13 when it refers to the ‘fire shall reveal it and each one’s work of what sort it is the fire will test,’ that this is the fire of Purgatory?

A. “Well, first of all, the Church does not teach the precise nature of Purgatory. And so I would say that this is a metaphor here, as is the Church’s use of the metaphor of fire for Purgatory.

Q. “Has the Church used this passage as a substantiation for the existence of Purgatory?

A “As an indication of the primitive belief in Purgatory, yes.

Q. “So if the primitive writers believed in Purgatory and if the Church has pointed to this, then can we not ask concerning the nature, not the physical nature, but the fact that this fire reveals of what sort works are? Would it not have to, sir, if it’s supportive of the concept of Purgatory, would it not have to in this passage refer to some sort of suffering and some sort of cleansing of temporal punishments of sins, not merely the demonstration of whether a church leader’s motivations were pure or whether his works were gold or whether they were of straw.

A. “Well, the revelation is in itself a form of catharsis or purification.

Q. “So revelation in testing is involving purification. Uhm . . . is that what you just indicated?

A. “If you reveal my flaws to me, that revelation in and of itself can be purifying.

Q. “Those who built with gold, silver and precious stones also go through this fire. Where is there any concept of these individuals needing this purification before they enter into the presence of God? Does it not say that they actually receive a reward? That there is nothing there concerning their needing this purification?

A. “Well, I think that it’s the simple realization that even the just man sins seven times a day and therefore the need for purification for most people.

Q. “So where in the text do you have this mixture where you have people who have gold, silver, precious stones and they have a little wood, hay, and straw burned and that’s their purification? Where is that derived from the text?

A. “I’m missing your point.

Q. “Well, you just indicated the just man sins seven times, so it sounds like you were asserting that even those who built with gold, silver, and precious stones . . .

A. “Yes . . .

Q. “That they themselves are undergoing some sort of purification here. The only thing the text says is, is they receive a reward . . . and the others do not? What is their reward? What rewards are given in Purgatory?

A. “Heaven.

Q. “But they both get heaven. So the one gets something the other doesn’t get in this text, what is it?

A. “Where does it say the other doesn’t get anything?

Q. “Verse 15, ‘If a certain one’s works are consumed, he shall suffer loss yet he himself shall be saved yet so as by fire.’ So he doesn’t receive a misthos. He does not receive a reward. So if the reward is heaven, then this can’t be purgatory because this ends up in hell. (Emphasis Added.)

(Clapping by certain members of the audience)

A. “I don’t see that, I’m sorry.

(Murmuring in the background)

Q. “Ok. Well, now, now, now . . . let’s be respectful everyone. Let’s see if we can work through this. The fact of the matter is both these groups experience the same testing by fire, but the ones who have their works remain which they have built upon the foundation, verse 14 says misthos lambano (?) ‘they shall receive a reward’ a misthos. But if another one has their works which they have built which were made of wood, hay and straw burned up, consumed, they shall suffer loss yet they shall be saved yet so as through fire. So, if this is the fire of Purgatory, both experienced it. One gets a reward – if that’s heaven, what do the other people get? Do you see the point? (Emphasis Added).

A. “You’re saying the ones whose works are burnt up get the reward?

Q. “No, they don’t get any reward. That’s what it says: they suffer loss. Zemioo means to suffer a loss of something. (Emphasis Added).

A. “If it is burnt down, he will be the loser and though he be saved himself it will be as if one who has gone through fire.

Q. “Wow! That’s a fascinating translation. (Laughter from the audience) I would like to pick up with that in the second round.

You can listen to the questions yourself here: Cross Examination on 1 Cor. 3 and Purgatory.

1 Cor. 3:10-17 is a crucial passage in any discussion pertaining to the doctrine of Purgatory as it has been always used by the Catholic Church as a biblical proof for the existence of Purgatory. And while White belittles the interpretation of 1 Cor.3:15 rendered by Fr. Stravinskas above, such an interpretation is not an original one. The early church fathers and other Catholic theologians have rendered this passage in a manner similar (albeit a bit more eloquently) to that of Fr. Stravinskas as early as Origen in the third century A.D. in defense of the doctrine against heretics and detractors, See, for example the excerpt from the St. Augustine’s City of God quoted by David Armstrong in his article, Refutation of James White on 1 Corinthians 3:10-15 and Purgatory.

In fact, it would be fair to say that Catholics have always understood St. Paul to be discussing purgatorial suffering at 1 Cor. 3:10-15. Personally, I think the explanation of this passage by St. Francis de Sales (1567-1622), a Doctor of the Church and the Bishop to the Diocese of Geneva, who brought tens of thousands of Calvinists like White back to the Catholic faith, is particularly thorough:

IN the 1st Corinthians ( iii. 13, 14, 15): The day of the Lord shall declare (every man's work), because it shall be revealed by fire, and the fire shall try every man's work, of what sort it is. If any man's work abide which he hath built thereupon, he shall receive a reward. If any man's work burn, he shall suffer loss: but he himself shall be saved, vet so as by fire. This passage has always been held as one of the important and difficult ones of the whole Scripture. Now in it, as is easily seen by one who considers the whole chapter, the Apostle uses two similitudes. The first is of an architect who with solid materials builds a valuable house on a rock: the second is of one who on the same foundation erects a house of boards, reeds, straw. Let us now imagine that a fire breaks out in both the houses. That which is of solid material will be out of danger, and the other will be burnt to ashes. And if the architect be in the first he will be whole and safe; if he be in the second, he must, if he would escape, rush through fire and flame, and shall be saved yet so that he will bear the marks of having been in fire: he himself shall be saved, yet so as by fire. The foundation spoken of in this similitude is Our Lord, of whom S. Paul says: I have planted . . . and as a wise architect I have laid the foundation: . . . and then afterwards : For no one can lay another foundation but that which is laid; which is Christ Jesus. The architects are-the preachers and doctors of the Gospel, as may be known by considering attentively the words of this whole chapter. And as S. Ambrose interprets, and also Sedulius on this place, the day of the Lord which is spoken of means the day of -judgment, which in the Scripture is ordinarily called the day of the Lord, as in Joel ii : the day of the Lord; in Sophonias i: the day of the Lord is near; and in the word that follows in our passage: the day of the Lord shall declare it; for it is on that day that all the actions of the world will be declared in fire. When the Apostle says it shall be revealed by fire; he sufficiently shows that it is the last day of judgment; [as] in the Second to the Thessalonians I.: when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with the angels of his power, in a flame of glory; and in Psalm xcvi.: fire shall qo before his face. The fire by which the architect is saved-he himself shall be saved yet so as by fire-can only be understood of the fire of Purgatory.

For when the Apostle says he shall be saved, he excludes the fire of hell in which no one can be saved; and when he says he shall be saved by fire, and speaks only of him who has built on the foundation, wood, straw, stubble, he shows that he is not speaking of the fire which will precede the day of judgment, since by this will pass not only those who shall have built with these light materials, but also those who shall have built in gold, silver, &c. All this interpretation, besides that it agrees very well with the text, is also most authentic, as having been followed with common consent by the ancient Fathers. S. Cyprian (Bk. iv. ep. 2) seems to make allusion to this passage. S. Ambrose, on this place, S. Jerome on the 4th -of Amos, S. Augustine on Psalm xxxvi., S. Gregory (Dial. iv. 39), Rupert (in Gen. iii. 32), and the rest, are all express on the point; and of the Greeks, Origen in the 6th Homily on Exodus, Ecumenius on this passage (where he brings forward S. Basil), and Theodoret quoted by S. Thomas in the I st Opusculum contra errores Graec.

It may be said that in this interpretation there is an equivocation and impropriety, inasmuch as the fire spoken of is taken now for that of Purgatory, now for that which will precede the day of judgment. We answer that it is a graceful manner of speech, by the contrasting these two fires. For notice the meaning of the sentence : the day of the Lord shall have light from the fire which will go before it, and as this day shall be lighted up by the fire, so this same day by the judgment shall cast light on the merit and defect of each work; and as each work shall be brought clearly out, so the workers who will have worked with imperfection shall be saved by the fire of Purgatory. But besides this, if we should say that S. Paul uses the same word in different senses in the same passage it would be no new thing, for he employs words in this way in other places, but so properly that this serves as an ornament to his language: as in the 2d of Corinthians, 5th chapter Him who knew no sin for us he hath made sin:-where who sees not that sin in the first part is taken in its proper sense, for iniquity ; and the second time figuratively, for him who bears the penalty of sin?

It may be said again that it is not said that he will be saved by fire, but as by fire, and that therefore we cannot conclude there is a Purgatorial fire. I answer that there is a true similitude in this passage. For the Apostle means to say that he whose works are not absolutely solid will be saved like the architect who escapes from the fire, but at the same time not without passing through the fire; a fire of a different quality from that which burns in this world. It is enough that from this passage we evidently conclude that many who will gain possession of the kingdom of paradise will pass through fire: now this will not be the fire of hell, nor the fire which will precede the judgment; it will therefore be the fire of Purgatory. The passage is difficult and troublesome, but well considered it gives us a manifest conclusion for our contention; -so that we have here two places by which we can learn that after this life there are a time and a place of purgation.

de Sales, Francis. The Catholic Controversy, Part III, Art. II, Purgatory, Chapter IV (Rockford, IL: TAN Books and Publishers 1989, rep. of Vol III of the series Library of St. Francis de Sales: Works of This Doctor of the Church, Translated into English Turnbridge Wells, England: Burns & Oates)

In order to disprove the existence of Purgatory, Protestant divines all the way back to John Calvin, the lawyer who first expounded on White’s Reformed belief system, have attempted to overcome the Catholic interpretation of this passage through a number of creative exegeses. Mr. Armstrong, in his book, The Catholic Verses (Manchester, NH: Sophia Institute Press, 2004), highlights the efforts of Calvin to negate the Catholic exegesis of 1 Cor. 3:10-15 and why his efforts failed. Calvin tried to argue that the “Day” referenced in 1 Cor. 3:13 did not refer to the Day of Judgment, but of the trial of the Holy Spirit. As Mr. Armstrong notes, even Protestant biblical scholars have rejected Calvin’s novel interpretation. Id. at pgs. 157-163.

Seeing the futility of John Calvin’s eisegesis to discredit the doctrine of Purgatory, Mr. White uses a decidedly different tactic to attack the traditional Catholic exegesis of the text. Instead of using normal rules of exegesis and hermeneutics to interpret 1 Cor. 3:10-15, White dresses his argument up in a peruke and a gown and uses Plurium Interrogationum during his cross-examination of Father Stravinskas.

Analyzing White’s questions above, one can discern their underlying bases. White first contends that if a man's work, built upon the foundation of Christ can withstand God’s judgment, that man will receive a reward and that reward is heaven. No disagreement there. But White then suggests that if a worker suffers a loss and his labors are burned up, that loss is the loss of heaven:

Q. “Verse 15, ‘If a certain one’s works are consumed, he shall suffer loss yet he himself shall be saved yet so as by fire.’ So he doesn’t receive a misthos. He does not receive a reward. So if the reward is heaven, then this can’t be purgatory because this ends up in hell.

. . . .

Q. The fact of the matter is both these groups experience the same testing by fire, but the ones who have their works remain which they have built upon the foundation, verse 14 says misthos lambano (?) ‘they shall receive a reward’ a misthos. But if another one has their works which they have built which were made of wood, hay and straw burned up, consumed, they shall suffer loss yet they shall be saved yet so as through fire. So, if this is the fire of Purgatory, both experienced it. One gets a reward – if that’s heaven, what do the other people get? Do you see the point?

Preliminarily, note how Mr. White equates "suffer loss" with "loss of reward." But here is the problem: the text doesn’t say that! 1 Cor. 3:15 actually says, "If someone’s WORK is burned up, that one will suffer loss." It is the man’s WORK (ergon) that the man loses, not the reward (misthos)! Now if St. Paul had said at verse 15, "If someone's work is burned up, that one will lose his reward," then White has an argument. But unfortunately for White, St. Paul didn't say that. White is reading something into the text which simply is not there. In short, White is engaging in eisegesis.

However, we are not here to argue about whether White engages in eisegesis, but to discuss his misuse of the fallacy of Plurium Interrogationum.

During cross- examination, White states the following premise, “Zemioo means to suffer a loss of something.” While it is true that zemioo or zemiothesetai (the verb tense used in the text) could mean to suffer loss,” the word could also mean "to suffer punishment.” While I am sure that White, who often portrays himself as an expert in koine Greek, can find several Greek-English lexicons or dictionaries to back up his definition, several modern Catholic apologists note that there are many Greek linguists who disagree with

White that to “suffer a loss” is the primary meaning of zemioo. Further, a number of biblical lexicons and dictionaries define zemioo as “to suffer punishment” or to receive damage as its meaning in the context of 1 Cor. 3:15. Here is a sampling:

1) Walter Bauer’s Greek-English Lexicon “places 1 Cor. 3:15 as the example of where zemioo has the meaning of ‘be punished’”;

2) Gerhard Kittel’s, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, translated and abridged by Geoffrey W. Bromley, Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1985, p. 299:

1.a. Disadvantage may take the form of monetary or material "loss" or "damage." b. It may also be moral or spiritual in the sense of "hurt" or "ruin," with a subjective nuance of "unpleasantness”;

. . . The same sense [1.b.] is probable (rather than "penalty") in 1 Cor. 3:15 in contrast to the reward of v. 14. What is at issue is "hurt" or "loss" in a general sense, not in a financial sense or as loss of salvation;

3) Liddell and Scott’s Greek-English Lexicon, gives the meaning of zemioo as “generally, to punish”;

4) Louw-Nida’s Greek-English Lexicon, the “first, or primary, definition of zemioomai in 1 Cor. 3:15 is to‘suffer punishment;’”

5) Strong’s Greek Dictionary (http://strongsnumbers.com/greek/2210.htm) states the following definition of zemioo, “From zemia; to injure, i.e. (reflexively or passively) to experience detriment; be cast away, receive damage, lose, suffer loss”;

6) Thayer's Greek-English Lexicon (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1977, word #2210, p. 272) defines zemioo in this passage as "to sustain damage, to receive injury, suffer loss”;

7) UBS Greek Dictionary states “the meaning of ‘be punished’ is the primary meaning of 1 Cor. 3:15.

Construing the zemiothesetai as “shall be punished” instead of “suffer loss” as White chooses to do, the passage at1 Cor. 3:15 takes on a much different meaning than the one that White portrays to his audience. If the exegete adopts the meaning of zemioo as “to punish” or “to cause damage” it becomes clear that this passage refers to an expiation by temporal punishment after a person dies. To paraphrase White, this cannot mean heaven (there is no punishment in heaven) and this cannot mean hell (the possibility of expiation no longer exists and the person is not saved). St. Paul must have been talking about a third state here, a state the Catholic Church calls “Purgatory.”

If the exegete ascribes zemiothesetai with this meaning, the rest of the verse, though he himself will be saved, but only (yet so) as through fire”is no longer mere verbiage. “[H]e himself will be savedin the Greek is sOthEsetaiwhich is usually defined in terms of eternal salvation. See, e.g., Vine, W.E. An Expository Dictionary of New Testament Words (Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1966) The phrase "but only" (or yet so) in the Greek is "houtos" which means “in a likewise manner.” Construing these words in context makes it clear that the person whose works are burned up still receives the reward of heaven and that his salvation comes after being subject to fire, which is foursquare with Catholic teaching of Purgatory. This meaning further gives context to verses 16 and 17 where St. Paul distinguishes between temporal punishment and eternal destruction which can only mean damnation to hell. See also, David Armstrong’s Refutation of James White on 1 Corinthians 3:10-15 and Purgatory, supra.; Robert Sungenis’ Rebuttal to James White's Most Recent Web Posting Concerning the Doctrine of Purgatory; and, John Salza’s PurgatoryQ & A.

There are several other points that need to be considered in interpreting 1 Cor. 3:10-15. Since White has claimed on his blog and his radio show that I have no business debating, I will take the historian’s approach and try to stick to the presentation of facts and historical evidence and the inferences that can be drawn therefrom. As John Adams stated in the closing argument of his successful defense of the British soldiers who were tried for murder in the Boston Massacre, “Facts are stubborn things and whatever may be our wishes, our inclinations, or the dictates of our passion, they cannot alter the state of facts and evidence.” Fortunately for me, the Holy Scriptures and historical evidence are replete with facts from which the doctrine of Purgatory can be adduced.

Fact: Approximately 350 quotations of the Old Testament can be found in the Gospels, St. Paul’s epistles, and the other books of the New Testament (more if one considers the Deuterocanical books which Protestants exclude from their bibles). More than 300 of these quotations come from the translation of the Old Testament known as the Septuagint. Many Bible scholars note that the Septuagint was St. Paul’s Bible. An authority, no less than James White himself, notes St. Paul’s reliance on the Septuagint during his debate with Barry Lynn on whether the Scriptures condemn homosexuality. White explains during that debate how Saint Paul uses the Septuagint’s version of Leviticus 20:13 to coin a new word arsenokoitai to describe sinful homosexual practices. White uses similar arguments when he combats the KJV only crowd.

Since the Septuagint was St. Paul’s Bible, it would be helpful to discern how the word zemioo is used there. Fact: in the Septuagint, the Greek verb zemioo is used six times (Ex 21:22; Dt 22:19; Pr 17:26; 19:19; 21:11; 22:3) and the Greek noun zemia is used seven times (2Kg 23:33; Ezra 7:26; Pr 22:3; 27:12; 1 Esdras 1:36; 8:24; 2 Mc 4:48). Every time, zemioo is used to mean “to punish,” “to fine” or “to penalize,” but never “to suffer loss.” Further, the same form of the word that appears in 1 Cor. 3:15, zemiothesetai (indicative, future, passive, 3rd, person, singular), appears at Ex. 21:22 and Pr 19:19 and is translated as "punished" or “penalized” and not White’s “suffer loss.”

Now I realize that this evidence alone doesn’t prove that zemioo means “to punish” or “to fine” or “to penalize” as opposed “to suffer loss.” However, James White uses this same tactic when he cites to Mt. 16:26 or Phil. 3:8 to show that zemioo means “to suffer loss.” However, the fact that St. Paul used the Greek Septuagint as his Bible would suggest that in all likelihood he knew that the normative use of zemioo in the Bible he read and quoted was something more akin “to punish” or “to suffer damage” rather than White’s “to suffer loss.”

Fact: in the Deuterocanonical books that are a part of the Septuagint, there are a number of references to Purgatory. Here are a couple for the reader to consider.

The most well-known passage, of course, is found in 2 Maccabees:

But under the tunic of each of the dead they found amulets sacred to the idols of Jamnia which the law forbids the Jews to wear. So it was clear to all that this was why these men had been slain. They all praised the ways of the Lord, the just judge who brings to light all things that are hidden. Turning to supplication, they prayed that the sinful deed might be fully blotted our. The noble Judas warned the soldiers to keep themselves free from sin, for they had seen with their own eyes what had happened because of the sin of those who had fallen. He then took up a collection among all his soldiers, amounting to two thousand silver drachmas, which he sent to Jerusalem to provide for an expiatory sacrifice. In doing this he acted in a very excellent and noble way, inasmuch as he had the resurrection of the dead in view, for if he were not expecting the fallen to rise again, it would have been useless and foolish to pray for them in death. But if he did with a view to the splendid reward that awaits those who had gone to rest in godliness, it was a holy and pious thought. Thus, he made atonement for the dead that they might be freed from this sin. (2 Macc. 12:40-46).

This passage from the Bible makes several important points. First, this passage demonstrates the distinction between venial and mortal sins. Note that the slain soldiers had died in godliness even though they died in sin wearing the amulets like a lucky rabbit’s foot or four-leafed clover. Obviously, carrying around a lucky trinket would not be as serious a sin as praying to or worshiping the idols to which the amulets were dedicated. (Cf., 1 Jn 5:16-17)

Second, this passage proves that there was a purgatorial state where venial sins could be forgiven by the atoning nature obtained from the practice of praying or giving alms for the dead. Prayers would not be needed by those in heaven, and prayer could not help those in hell. This passage can only be referring to people being in a third state, at least temporarily.

Finally, it should be noted that 2 Maccabees is the chronicle of a group of Jewish people who strove to preserve the purity of the Jewish faith against the influence of paganism of the Greeks even to the point of martyrdom. If the practice of praying for the dead was as abhorrent or contrary to the Word of God as White has claimed, Judas Maccabees certainly would not have offered such prayers.

I would note, too, that even though James White does not recognize 2 Maccabees as canonical, there is nothing in St. Paul’s writings to suggest that St. Paul did not. In 1 Corinthians alone, there are 21 references to passages from the Deuterocanonical books of the Septuagint, including 2 Maccabees, which White rejects out of hand as unscriptural. Considering this evidence of St. Paul’s usage of and familiarity with the Deuterocanonical books of the Septuagint, I find it hard to believe that St. Paul would quote so extensively from them without warning his followers of to be wary of false doctrines contained in them. It is highly probable that St. Paul would have been familiar with 2 Macc. 12:40-46 which explicitly references a purgatorial state. If the doctrine of Purgatory was so foreign or so alien a concept to St. Paul’s theology as James White has alleged, St. Paul certainly would have mentioned it in one of his epistles and would have explicitly denounced both the doctrine Purgatory and 2 Maccabees so his flock would have not been led astray by false teaching– unless, of course, Mr. White wants to argue that St. Paul taught his followers an oral tradition about which books of Septuagint were canonical and which were not.

But the souls of the just are in the hand of God, and no torment shall touch them. They seemed, in the view of the foolish, to be dead; and their passing away was thought to be an affliction and their going forth from us, utter destruction. But they are in peace. For if before men, indeed, they be punished, yet is their hope full of immortality; Chastised a little, they shall be greatly blessed, because God tried them and found them worthy of himself. As gold in the furnace, he proved them, and as sacrificial offerings he took them to himself. In the time of their visitation they shall shine, and shall dart about as sparks through stubble. (Wis. 3:1-7).

Here, as in 1 Cor. 3:10-15, fire is used to test and punish (or more accurately, chastise), in order to receive one’s heavenly reward. Note also the parallel usage of gold and stubble. Similarly, Is. 66:15-16 and Mal. 3:2-3 were likewise interpreted in rabbinic literature as referring to a purgatorial fire so that one might be cleansed before entering into the Holiness of God's Presence. See also, Is. 6: 6-7 where one of the seraphim uses an ember from the altar to touch Isaiah’s lips in order to purge him of his sins so that he could be holy enough to stand before God.

Be generous to all the living and withhold not your kindness from the dead. (Sir. 7:33)

As with 2 Macc. 12:38-46, the Jews understood this passage to mean that we are to pray for the dead and that it is an act of kindness to do so. Given the practice of praying for the dead contained in all of the early Church liturgies and the fact that the early church fathers who wrote about Purgatory also wrote favorably about the efficaciousness of praying for the dead, I would suggest that the early Christians did too.

Since St. Paul’s Bible was the Septuagint, it is a fair inference that he would have been knowledgeable of the above passages and how they were commonly understood to mean. Further, given that the above passages suggest the existence of a temporary purgatorial state, St. Paul would have certainly denounced this understanding had he believed these passages or the books that contained them were unbiblical. It would have been easy enough for him to write against them in his epistles as he did other doctrines. He didn’t. As we will see, there is a good reason why he didn’t.

Fact: St. Paul was a Pharisee, the son of the Pharisees. (Acts. 23:6) Scripture tells us that St. Paul was educated strictly in the ways of Hebraic Law at the feet of the Rabban Gamaliel, one of the greatest Pharisaic teachers of all time. (Acts 22:5) Thus, let us see what Gamaliel would have taught young St. Paul learning at his feet.

As I have noted previously in my first example of White’s misuse of Plurium Interrogationum, the Talmud contains the written collection of certain teachings of the Pharisaic teachers and other rabbis. In the Soncino Babylonian version of the Talmud at Tractate Shabbath Folio 33b, the reader will find:

"The judgment of the wicked in Gehenna (purgatory) is twelve months."

In the Babylonian Talmud, translated by Michael L. Rodkinson (1918), one reads at Tractate Rosh Hashana Chapter 1, pp. 26-27:

We have learned in a Boraitha: The school of Shammai said: There are three divisions of mankind at the Resurrection: the wholly righteous, the utterly wicked, and the average class. The wholly righteous are at once inscribed, and life is decreed for them; the utterly wicked are at once inscribed, and destined for Gehenna, as we read [Dan. 12:2]: "And many of them that sleep in the dust shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt." The third class, the men between the former two, descend to Gehenna, but they weep and come up again, in accordance with the passage [Zech. 13: 9]: "And I will bring the third part through the fire, and I will refine them as silver is refined, and will try them as gold is tried; and they shall call on My name, and I will answer them." Concerning this last class of men Hannah says [I Sam. 2: 6]: "The Lord causeth to die and maketh alive, He bringeth down to the grave and bringeth up again." The school of Hillel says: The Merciful One inclines (the scale of justice) to the side of mercy, and of this third class of men David says [Psalms, 114:1]: "It is lovely to me that the Lord heareth my voice"; in fact, David applies to them the Psalm mentioned down to the words, "Thou hast delivered my soul from death" [ibid. 8].

Likewise, one may find in the Tosefta Sanhedrin, 13:3, a rabbinic supplement to the Talmud, the following:

In the House of Shammai it was said: There are three groups: One is destined to eternal life, and another is consigned to ignominy and eternal abhorrence- they are the thoroughly wicked, the average among them will go down to hell, and dive and come up and arise thence and be healed . . . In the House of Hillel it was said: "[God is] rich in kindness (Exodus 34;6)"- would incline the balance to the side of mercy."

These passages from the Talmud and their corresponding supplements irrefutably prove that the Pharisees believed in the concept of Purgatory. In fact, most Jews (aside from the Sadducees) living in the two centuries leading up to Christ’s birth believed in something akin to Purgatory or the concept of a divine punishment that is regenerative, not vindictive. Based on the Talmudic writings referenced above, I would suggest that St. Paul did too. Note how the Shammaites used Zech. 13:9 as a proof text for Purgatory. Compare how they used the metaphor of purifying or refining fire with St. Paul’s use of it at 1 Cor. 3:10-17. I submit that the passage at 1 Cor. 3:10-17 is nothing less than of St. Paul adapting the Pharisaic teaching concerning Purgatory as a part of his formulation of Christian theology.

The passage at 1 Cor. 3:10-17 is not the only instance where the concept of Purgatory is discussed in St. Paul’s epistles. David Armstrong has noted several other passages in St. Paul’s epistles in Chapter 12 of his aforementioned book, The Catholic Verses, that do so:

Otherwise, what will people accomplish by having themselves baptized for the dead? If the dead are not raised at all, then why are they having themselves baptized for them? (1 Cor. 15:29)

There has been much discussion over the practice St. Paul is writing about. However, having read The Catholic Controversy as Mr. Armstrong has, St. Francis de Sales’ explanation of this passage is the only one that I have ever read that truly made sense:

. . . So that in the ancient Church, the custom already was to help by prayer and holy deeds the souls of the departed:–which clearly implies a faith in Purgatory.

And of this custom S. Paul speaks quite clearly in the 1st of Corinthians, chap xv. appealing to it as praiseworthy and right. . . . This passage properly understood evidently shows that it was the custom of the primitive Church to watch, pray, fast for the souls of the departed. For, firstly, in the Scriptures to be baptized as often taken for afflictions and penances; as in S. Luke, chap. xii., [Lk. 12:50] . . . and in S. Mark, chap x., [Mk. 10:38-39] . . . in which places Our Lord calls pain and afflictions baptism.

Further, St. Francis de Sales and Mr. Armstrong both note the strong connection between this passage and 2 Macc. 12:44. See, de Sales, Francis, The Catholic Controversy, supra. at pgs 367-368; Armstrong, David, The Catholic Verses, supra. at pgs. 163-164. While Protestants have attempted to claim that St. Paul was not approving of the practice spoken of here in an effort to minimize the Catholic meaning of this passage, there is nothing in the text to suggest that. St. Paul is citing this practice as proof in the belief of the resurrection.

Again to paraphrase Mr. White, St. Paul can’t be talking about the souls in heaven by referring to early Christians who had themselves “baptized for dead” as they would not have needed the benefit received from such a practice. He could not be talking about hell as the dead souls there could not receive any benefit from vicarious afflictions or penances. He must have been talking about souls in a third state-what we Catholics call Purgatory.

May the Lord grant mercy to the family of Onesiphorus because he often gave me new heart and was not ashamed of my chains. But when he came to Rome, he promptly searched for me and found me. May the Lord grant him to find mercy from the Lord on that day. And you know very well the services he rendered in Ephesus. (2 Tim. 1:16-18)

Here, St. Paul prays for his departed friend Onesiphorus. We know that he is departed because St. Paul speaks about him in the past tense. Now if St. Paul did not believe that his prayers could help Onesiphorus, why would he pray for him? Or was St. Paul being unbiblical and merely moved by natural affection for his friend in the same way that John Calvin claimed was the reason that St. Augustine prayed for his deceased mother, St. Monica? See, The Catholic Verses, supra. at pgs. 162-163.

Here is another other verse from St. Paul’s writings I believe alludes to Purgatory.

I know someone in Christ who, fourteen years ago (whether in the body or out of the body I do know, God knows), was caught up to the third heaven. And I know that this person (whether in the body or out of the body I do not know, God knows) was caught up into Paradise and heard ineffable things, which no one may utter. (2 Cor. 12:1-4)

Here, St. Paul references two places–the third heaven and Paradise. The Pharisees and for that matter, most Jews who lived during intertestamental times believed that there were several heavens, seven in all, each having a distinct purpose. Third heaven and Paradise were just two of those places. Along with this heavenly scheme, they also believed that were also seven levels of the abode of the dead. The Jewish version of Purgatory was on one of those levels. Several NT passages also suggest that the belief in a multi-level afterlife was prevalent among early Christians as well. See, e.g., Lk. 23:43; 1 Pt. 3:19; Jude 23; Phil. 2:10. See also, The Book of Enoch the Prophet referred to at Jude 14 as well as The Testament of Abraham. It is this intertestamental concept of multiple levels of hell, Purgatory and heaven that is reflected in Dante’s Divine Comedy. I would contend that this passage actually refers to St. Paul’s own Dante-esque journey through some of these levels of heaven. Now if St. Paul believed that there were a “Paradise” and a “Third Heaven,” it is probable that he would have also believed in a state we now call “Purgatory.”

The above Scriptural passages demonstrate that St. Paul appears to have learned his lessons about Purgatory well from Gamaliel and incorporated them into his teaching. St. Paul’s writings show that the doctrine of Purgatory was neither foreign nor unknown to him. Why else would St. Paul utilize the Pharisaic exegesis of Zech. 13:9 at 1 Cor. 3:10-15 and use the same metaphor of a refining fire that purifies souls? Why else would he allude to a practice of vicarious repentance for the souls in Purgatory? Why else would he pray for the dead Onesiphorus like the noble Judas Maccabees who led the Jews in an unrelenting war to preserve the Old Testament faith against Paganism? The answer is the same to all three questions–St. Paul believed in Purgatory.

This leads to another point, as previously mentioned, White uses Mt. 16:26 and Phil 3:8 to show that zemioo means to “suffer loss” as opposed to a more “Catholic” meaning of the word. See, e.g., 1 Cor 3:10-15: Exegesis and Rebuttal of Roman Catholic Misuse. However, let’s look at those passages in context.

Then Jesus said to his disciples, "Whoever wishes to come after me must deny himself, take up his cross, and follow me. For whoever wishes to save his life will lose it, but whoever loses his life for my sake will find it. What profit would there be for one to gain the whole world and forfeit his life? Or what can one give in exchange for his life? For the Son of Man will come with his angels in his Father's glory, and then he will repay everyone according to his conduct. (Mt. 16:24-27)

[I]n zeal I persecuted the church, in righteousness based on the law I was blameless. (But) whatever gains I had, these I have come to consider a loss because of Christ. More than that, I even consider everything as a loss because of the supreme good of knowing Christ Jesus my Lord. For his sake I have accepted the loss of all things and I consider them so much rubbish, that I may gain Christ and be found in him, not having any righteousness of my own based on the law but that which comes through faith in Christ, the righteousness from God, depending on faith to know him and the power of his resurrection and (the) sharing of his sufferings by being conformed to his death, if somehow I may attain the resurrection from the dead. It is not that I have already taken hold of it or have already attained perfect maturity, but I continue my pursuit in hope that I may possess it, since I have indeed been taken possession of by Christ [Jesus]. (Phil. 3:6-12)

Placing White’s verses in context undercut his exegesis of 1 Cor. 3:10-15. While White may be able to argue that zemioo may mean “loss”or “to forfeit” literally in Mt. 16:26 and Phil. 3:8, these verses, it does not prove that zemioo means the same thing when St. Paul uses the word at 1 Cor. 3:15. More importantly, once the verses are placed back into the passages from which they are taken, one can easily see how the standard canard of forensic imputation is demonstrably false.

First, let us examine what Jesus was saying at Mt. 16:24-27. With Adam and Eve’s fall from grace, sin took the place of that grace and separated us from God. Sin destroyed our friendship with God, the very purpose for which God created us. From that point of time, sin became a part of the lives of humankind. As a result of sin, we do not do the good that we want, but instead do the evil we don’t want. (cf. Rom. 7:19) The most obvious sign of how pervasive sin is in our lives is death. Not only does death constitute the wages of sin, it is the very symbol of our enslavement by Satan.

But God chose to save man from sin. How? He gave us His only Son. St. Paul puts it:

But when the fullness of time had come, God sent His Son, born of a woman, born under the law, to ransom those under the law, so that we might receive adoption. (Gal. 4:4-5).

Jesus entered this sinful world by becoming man. While Christ was completely free from all sin, He accepted our human nature stained by sin; that is, He subjected Himself to suffering and death. St. Paul says:

For our sake he made him to be sin who did not know sin, so that we might become the righteousness of God in him. (2 Cor. 5:21).

How did Jesus accomplish making us into the “righteousness of God in him?” Answer: By abasing Himself on the cross:

[H]e emptied himself taking the form of a slave coming in human likeness; and found human in appearance, he humbled himself, becoming obedient to death. Even death on a cross. (Phil. 2:7-8).

James White’s claims to the contrary, Catholics believe that Christ accomplished all of our salvation for us on the Cross. But it doesn’t settle the question of how this redemption is applied to us. Mt. 16:24-27 shows us the Cross produces our sanctification when we follow Christ’s example and take up our own cross to suffer with Him. There is nothing here that suggests that Christ’s righteousness is merely imputed to us. We do not have to pretend that we are righteous. We are made righteous when we follow Christ Jesus, when we carry our cross, when we suffer like Christ suffered, when we die to self. If that sanctification is not completed before our deaths, it is completed in Purgatory. Purgatory is the final phase of Christ applying to us the purifying redemption that he accomplished for us by his death on the cross.

Now let us look at Phil 3:6-12. First, St. Paul tells us how he attempted to abide the law of Moses as a Pharisee to earn his salvation. After coming to believe in Christ, he sees his life as a Pharisee to gain salvation as rubbish. Instead, the righteousness that comes through faith in Christ Jesus brings salvation. Here, St. Paul writes that his salvation is not certain, but a future event only if he denies himself and takes up his own cross. Suffering does not produce loss, but gain. As shown by verses 10 and 11, salvation comes only if we share in Christ’s suffering. Nothing is imputed to us. We must do as Christ did. This is a theme that St. Paul repeats at Rom. 8:16-17:

The Spirit itself hears witness within our spirit that we are children of God, and if children, then heirs, heirs of God and joint heirs with Christ, if only we suffer with him so that we may also be glorified with him. (Emphasis added.)

We see from St. Paul’s epistles that sanctification is a process, not an event, the end result of which ones salvation is secured only by the efficacy of suffering. Further note that the Protestant tradition of forensic imputation is refuted by Phil. 3:12. St. Paul writes that despite having been possessed by Christ (i.e., justified), sanctification is something that he still is pursuing. However, if Christ’s righteousness had been imputed to St. Paul, then he would have had already attained perfection and there would have been no need to strive for his salvation.

Thus, even if the word zemioo is translated as “loss” at Mt. 16:26 and Phil. 3:8, its does not help White in his exegesis of 1 Cor. 3:10-15 for these two passages demonstrate the expiatory nature of suffering. To be saved in Christ, we are called upon to take up the cross and share in His suffering. It is the denial of ourselves, that loss of “self,” that results in salvation. Purgatory is merely the completion of that process.

Now, none of the above denies or trivializes Christ’s death on the cross. Through Christ’s passion and resurrection, we all are forgiven. Our salvation was purchased by Christ’s sacrifice upon the Cross. Christ made it possible for man to join Him in heaven, but if we truly wish to be with Him, we have to offer proper atonement in Christ for our sins and through such atonement, we are purified of the last vestiges of sin solely with His help. Atonement is made when we suffer in Christ. While this atonement can be completed while we are alive, God’s mercy allows us to suffer in Purgatory if we are not totally purified before we die. As we have seen from our reading of Scripture, our salvation comes from Christ. However, it is by His design and not the manmade doctrines of Luther, Calvin, or White that we are saved. And as I have hopefully shown, Christ’s design for our salvation includes the doctrine of Purgatory.

In concluding this discussion concerning James White’s misuse of Plurium Interrogationum in the debate with Father Stravinskas, I want to close with this. I believe in the doctrine of Purgatory because the Catholic Church teaches that it is so. Why must I believe in what the Catholic Church teaches? I believe true faith in Our Savior, Jesus Christ, does not allow me to doubt any of the Church’s dogmatic teachings. Faith is incompatible with doubt. If the Church of the Living God is the pillar and fountain of truth [1 Tim. 3:15], then I cannot disbelieve its teachings. As John Henry Cardinal Newman wrote, “[W]hat the Church declares in God’s name, is God’s word, and therefore true.” I may not fully understand a doctrine that the Church’s teaches, but that does not give me the right to not believe it. Again in the words of Newman, “I may love by halves, I may obey by halves; I can not believe by halves: either I have faith, or I have it not.” My lack of comprehension or knowledge, my ignorance, my sinful nature may prevent me from understanding the fullness of truth of Catholic dogma, but that is due to my failings and my faults and not in anything that is taught by the Church that Christ founded that is infallibly guided by the Holy Spirit. In addition to the teaching contained in Scripture, I also have the assurance of the truth given by Apostolic Tradition, an authoritative Magisterium, two thousand years of liturgies, all of which include prayers to saints and for the dead, the writings of the Church Fathers, and the witness of hundreds of saintly men and women like St. Augustine, St. Bernard, St. Thomas Aquinas, St. Francis de Sales, St. Catherine of Genoa, and St. Theresa of Avila. See, e.g., Fr. F.X. Shouppe’s Purgatory: Illustrated by the Lives and Legends of the Saints (New York: Benziger Brothers, 1893; rep. Rockford, IL: TAN Books and Publishers, 1973).

Even if he could convince me somehow that the Holy Bible does not teach the doctrine of Purgatory (which I do not believe is the case at all), I would not place any trust in the words of James White, who relies on skepticism in the place of faith, misuse of debate tactics, and his handy koine Greek-English lexicon. Why? White makes his own private judgment and reason the standard and measure of what is God’s revelation. In the place of “Roma locuta est, causa finita est,” White would have us believe, “Albus locuta est, causa finita est.”

While White declaims that sacramentalism and Purgatory make Catholicism a man-centered religion, the truth of it is that it is his use of private judgment, his claim that he has the right to judge for himself the meaning of the Word of God, which places himself as the center of his own religion in the place of God. God is sovereign only so long as He agrees with White and not the other way around. And one must wonder if White truly believes what he claims when he engages in Plurium Interrogationum to try to win debates rather than let the doctrines he advocates speak for themselves.

But what do I know? According to White, I am just a lawyer who has no business debating. Or worse, a Catholic apologist in the thrall of Rome. In response to such words, I can only say the same thing that Charles Carroll, a Catholic patriot and one of the founding fathers of our United States of America, said in response to similar anti-Catholic rhetoric, “Meminimus, et ignoscimus.”

Conclusion

The examples set forth above demonstrate the problem with Mr. White’s cross-examination technique. By using Plurium Interrogationum in debate, he promotes style over substance. By asking questions based on questionable premises without first laying a proper foundation, it is extremely difficult for the responder to both challenge the false premises and answer the questions in the few minutes or seconds that White’s debate format allows for a response. Rather than demonstrating the superiority or his arguments or the truth contained therein, White is merely showing his audience that he is more adept in concealing their weaknesses. Truth suffers when debaters like White uses tactics like Plurium Interrogationum to win at all costs. And if the truth truly is going to set us free (Jn. 8:32), there is no place for Plurium Interrogationum in debates over matters of Faith.

There is one last point I want to raise. Considering the important theological issues he and his opponents debate, can White honestly say that in the few minutes allotted for cross-examination, the great questions of doctrinal dispute can be fully and adequately expressed, answered and/or refuted? Not only is such a belief unreasonable, it is dangerous to one’s salvation especially when it is coupled with White’s misuse of cross-examination as a debate technique. By engaging in such tactics, White (or his Dr. Oakley alter-ego) fabricates the illusion that all one has to do is listen to a segment of one of his cross-examination sessions and theological difficulties evaporate within 180-480 seconds. Hopefully, this paper has dispelled some of the illusion.

Thank you for giving me your consideration.

Hope has two beautiful daughters. Their names are anger and courage: anger at the way things are, and courage to see that they do not remain the way they are.~St. Augustine

Tuesday, November 27, 2007

Orthodox View of OT Canon / Athanasius' Slightly-Qualified Acceptance of the Deuterocanon / Jerome's Anomalies in His Rejection of the Deuterocanon

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Timothy Ware, in his well-known book, The Orthodox Church (New York: Penguin Books, 1980 edition, 208-209), writes:
As its authoritative text for the Old Testament it [the Orthodox Church] uses the ancient Greek translation known as the Septuagint. When this differs from the original Hebrew (which happens quite often), Orthodox believe that the changes in the Septuagint were made under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, and are to be accepted as part of God's continuing revelation . . .

The Hebrew version of the Old testament contains thirty-nine books. The Septuagint contains in addition ten further books, not present in Hebrew, which are known in the Orthodox Church as the 'Deuter-Canonical' books. These were declared by the Councils of Jassy (1642) and Jerusalem (1672) to be 'genuine parts of Scripture'; most Orthodox scholars at the present day, however, following the opinion of Athanasius and Jerome, consider that the Deutero-Canonical Books, although part of the Bible, stand on a lower footing than the rest of the Old Testament.
Likewise, Stanley S. Harakas, in The Orthodox Church: 455 Questions and Answers (Minneapolis: Light & Life Publishing Co., 1987, 27) writes:
Roman Catholics accept seven of the Deuterocanonical Books. The Orthodox accept all 10.
For a more in-depth treatment, see: The Old Testament in the Orthodox Church, by Fr. R. Stergiou (Greekl Orthodox). He summarizes:

Even though the different Traditions of Orthodoxy may differ in which books they include in the Old Testament Canon, the fact remains that the Conscience of the Church generally accepts the Septuagint (LXX) or Alexandrian Canon....

St. Athanasius is one of the favorites of Protestants (probably second to St. Augustine in that regard). It's true that he did seem to lower the status of the deuterocanonical books somewhat, but not to a sub-biblical level, as noted by my good friend Gary Michuta, in his excellent book, Why Catholic Bibles are Bigger (Port Huron, Michigan: Grotto Press, 2007, 110-112; footnote numbering my own):
Athanasius quotes both Baruch and Susanna right along passages from Isaiah, Psalms, Romans, and Hebrews; he makes no distinction or qualification between them [1]. Wisdom also is used as an authentic portion of sacred Scripture . . .:
But of these and such like inventions of idolatrous madness, Scripture taught us beforehand long ago, when it said, 'The devising of idols, as the beginning of fornication, and the invention of them, the corruption of life . . .' [Ws 14:12] [2]
And later in the same work:
For since they were endeavouring to invest with what Scripture calls the incommunicable name . . . [3]
This reference to the "incommunicable name" comes from Wisdom 14:21 . . .

Athanasius quotes another passage from Wisdom as constituting the teachings of Christ, the Word of God. He undoubtedly uses it to confirm doctrine. [4] In another argument against Arians, he calls both the Protocanonical Proverbs and the Deuterocanonical Wisdom "holy Scripture" . . . [5] . . .

Athanasius also quotes the book of Sirach without distinction or qualification, in the midst of several other scriptural quotations. [6] . . . Athanasius calls the Book of Judith Scripture. [7] Tobit is cited right along with several Protocanonical quotations [8] , and even introduced with the solemn formula "it is written." [9]

[1]
Four Discourses Against the Arians, Discourse 1.12.
[2]
Against the Heathen, 11.1. Emphasis added.
[3]
Against the Heathen, 1, 17.3.
[4]
On the Incarnate Word, 4.6; 5.2.
[5]
Defense Against Arius, 1, 3.
[6]
Life of Anthony, 28 and Apology Against the Arians, 66.
[7]
Four Discourses Against the Arians, Discourse 2.35 . . .
[8]
Defense of Constantius, 17. Tobit is cited after Matthew and Isaiah.
[9]
Defense Against Arius, Part 1, 11.
The great Protestant Bible scholar F.F. Bruce confirms Michuta's analysis:
As Athanasius includes Baruch and the 'Letter of Jeremiah' in one book with Jeremiah and Lamentations [in his list of the OT canon], so he probably includes the Greek additions to Daniel in the canonical book of that name, and the additions to Esther in the book of that name which he recommends for reading in church [but doesn't list as a canonical book] . . .

In practice Athanasius appears to have paid little attention to the formal distinction between those books which he listed in the canon and those which were suitable for instruction of new Christians. He was familiar with the text of all, and quoted from them freely, often with the same introductory formula -- 'as it is written', 'as the scripture says', etc.

(The Canon of Scripture, Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity Press, 1988, 79-80; my bracketed comments, based on the larger context of Bruce's analysis)
With St. Jerome, it was a different situation altogether. Michuta concedes:
Jerome is the first of the Western Fathers to deny the inspired status of the Deuterocanon; the first to unabashedly designate them apocrypha instead . . . Jerome's new canon was an innovation -- and he knew it.

(Michuta, ibid., 142)

Protestant apologists often attempt to make Jerome the spokesman for a large silent majority of knowledgeable Christians in his day; this opinion is supported by no evidence whatsoever. Protestant scholars have long admitted that Jerome was essentially alone in his opposition to the Deuterocanon . . . It was also a decisive break from the practice of the ancient Christian Church.

(Ibid., 145)
But even with Jerome, there were several anomalies (or changes of mind or vacillations?), of such a nature that the would shock many a Protestant who rely on him as a "champion" in opposing the Deuterocanon. Gary Michuta enumerates several of these curious inconsistencies:
He . . . flatly denies that Tobit is part of the canon, [1] although elsewhere he cites it without qualification! [2] . . . Jerome adopts the popular convention in his Letter to Oceanus by quoting Baruch as a voice made by "the trumpets of the prophets." [3] Sirach is both rejected and quoted as Scripture, [4] although it is formally quoted [5] and occasionally used without qualification. [6] Wisdom is also occasionally formally quoted. [7] Jerome even attributes the passages from Wisdom to the Holy Spirit. [8] Maccabees is used without distinction. [9] Jerome at times alludes to the Deuterocanonical sections of Daniel in his letters. [10] Deuterocanonical passages from Esther are likewise quoted. [11] . . . he lists Judith as one of the virtuous women of sacred Scripture . . . [12].

[1] Prologue to John.
[2] Commentary in Eccles. 8.
[3]
Letter 77:4.
[4]
Commentary on Isaiah, Book 2, 3:12; Letters 77:6: 108:22; 118:1; 148:2,16,18.
[5]
Commentary on Jeremiah, Book 4, 21:14; Commentary on Ezekiel, Book 6, 18:6; and Letter 64:5.
[6]
Commentary on Isaiah, Book 8, 24:4; Commentary on Ezekiel, Book 6, 18:6; Letter 57.1 To Pammachius; and Letter 125.19, To Rusticus.
[7]
Commentary on Isaiah, Book 1, 1:24; Commentary on Zechariah, Book 3, 14:9; and Commentary on Malachi, 3:7 ff.
[8]
Commentary on Galatians, Book 1, 3:2 . . . and Breviarium in Psalmos, Ps 9.
[9]
Against Pelagians, Book 2:30; Letter 7, To Chromatius, Jovinus and Eusebius.
[10]
Letter 3, 1 To Rufinus the Monk; Letter 22,9-10, To Eustochium; Letter 1, 9 to Innocent.
[11]
Letter 48, To Pammachius, 14.
[12] Letter 65,1.

(Michuta, ibid., 149-150; again, my own footnote numbering)

Monday, November 26, 2007

Recommended Books For New or Prospective Catholic Converts

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[all books are hyper-linked]

The following three are all great introductions:

Catholic and Christian, Alan Schreck

The Spirit of Catholicism
, Karl Adam [online edition]

Evangelical is Not Enough, Thomas Howard

For a great analysis of many fundamental Protestant-Catholic differences, see:

The Spirit and Forms of Protestantism, Louis Bouyer

As to why we believe our doctrines are more biblical, there is my own book:

A Biblical Defense of Catholicism (also available for $5.00 in Word or PDF formats)

For the crucial Bible and Tradition issue, I recommend Mark Shea's book, By What Authority

And for the same topic and also salvation / faith alone issues, see:

Bible Conversations: Catholic-Protestant Dialogues on the Bible, Tradition, and Salvations, Dave Armstrong

The Salvation Controversy, Jimmy Akin and Regis Martin

For a good book on baptism and the Eucharist, including a conversion story, see Steve Ray's Crossing the Tiber.

For questions about the Mass and Catholic liturgical matters, see:

The How-To Book of the Mass: Everything You Need to Know but No One Ever Taught You, Michael Dubruiel

The Bible and the Mass, Peter M.J. Stravinskas

Mass Appeal: The ABCs of Worship, Jimmy Akin

Also, conversion books are great. Surprised by Truth is a big bestseller, that has helped many people. There were two "sequels" too:

Surprised by Truth II

Surprised by Truth III

Anything by Scott Hahn or Pat Madrid or Peter Kreeft or Karl Keating would be good. Catholic radio host Al Kresta has written two very helpful "Q & A" or "FAQ"-type books:

Why Do Catholics Genuflect?: And Answers to Other Puzzling Questions About the Catholic Church

Why Are Catholics So Concerned About Sin?: More Answers to Puzzling Questions About the Catholic Church


G.K. Chesterton wrote a book called The Catholic Church and Conversion that is still relevant today [online version]

His book Orthodoxy also makes for great "introductory" material [online version]

I have written 15 books (almost all geared towards Protestants). 11 are available in Word or PDF formats for only $15.

Those would be my basic recommendations (hope you'll excuse the "self-plugs", but hey, I write my books to try to assist people in answering important questions about the faith). For more involved or specific lists, see:

Recommended Catholic Books


Top 50 Recommendations for Catholic Apologetics Books


Recommended Books For Catholic Teens and Young People

Also, I have compiled 21 different lists on amazon.com, that link right to amazon book pages.



Friday, November 23, 2007

Centering Prayer, Fr. M. Basil Pennington, Tarot Cards, & East-West Religious Syncretism

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Fr. M. Basil Pennington (1931-2005) / Tarot Cards / Fr. Thomas Keating (b. 1923)

All of this inquiry came about as a result of part of my new duties at my new job with the Coming Home Network. I answer some of the "difficult" questions that come in. In this particular instance, someone asked about a show that featured Clare McGrath Merkle: a critic of centering prayer. See the audio files of her appearances on The Journey Home [link] and also The Abundant Life, with Johnnette Benkovic (one / two / three); see also many EWTN audio files on the topic of a Catholic view of the New Age (many by Fr. Mitch Pacwa, S.J.).

My correspondent asserted that the late Fr. Pennington's views on centering prayer were misrepresented by Merkle, as incorporating New Age techniques, whereas Fr. Thomas Keating's views were rightly the target of such criticisms. My correspondent also admitted that a lot of what passes for centering prayer (which, she says, is nothing more than a genuine manifestation of the Catholic contemplative prayer tradition) is indeed shot through with an excessive syncretism and mixing of disparate elements. She reiterated that Fr. Pennington (in contrast to these heterodox distortions) was an orthodox Catholic.

I set out to do my research (not knowing much about the topic, going in) so I could offer a substantial answer. My responses show a developing understanding of what I think I found today:

* * * * *

Thanks for your letter. It was forwarded to me, as part of my (recently obtained) job at CHNI is attempting to give answers to the relatively difficult or technical questions that come in. You obviously have a great deal of knowledge about this subject. I can't say that I knew much of anything, myself, about "centering prayer" before this letter (I had at least heard of it). So I had to look around the Internet to see what I could find from other trusted Catholic sources. I did run across an article in This Rock magazine (Nov. 1997 issue), called The Danger of Centering Prayer, by Fr. John D. Dreher. He does not distinguish Pennington from Keating, and is critical of the entire method. Dreher states:
Centering prayer differs from Christian prayer in that the intent of the technique is to bring the practitioner to the center of his own being. There he is, supposedly, to experience the presence of the God who indwells him. Christian prayer, on the contrary, centers upon God in a relational way, as someone apart from oneself. The Christian knows a God who is personal, yet who, as Creator, infinitely transcends his creature. God is wholly other than man. It is also crucial to Christian prayer that God engages man’s whole being in response, not just his interior life. In the view of centering prayer, the immanence of God somehow makes the transcendence of God available to human techniques and experience.

Centering prayer is essentially a form of self-hypnosis. It makes use of a "mantra," a word repeated over and over to focus the mind while striving by one’s will to go deep within oneself. The effects are a hypnotic-like state: concentration upon one thing, disengagement from other stimuli, a high degree of openness to suggestion, a psychological and physiological condition that externally resembles sleep but in which consciousness is interiorized and the mind subject to suggestion. After reading a published description of centering prayer, a psychology professor said, "Your question is, is this hypnosis? Sure it is." He said the state can be verified physiologically by the drop in blood pressure, respiratory rate, lactic acid level in the blood, and the galvanic conductivity of the skin. Abbot Keating relates that, when they began doing the centering prayer workshops in the guest house, some of the monks and guests " complained that it was spooky seeing people walking around the guest house like ‘zombies."’ They recognized the symptoms but could not diagnose the illness.
About Fr. Pennington in particular, he writes:
Centering prayer claims for itself the experience of God, while setting aside external realities and overcoming the "otherness" of God. It takes these characteristics not from Christian tradition but from Hinduism, through the medium of Transcendental Meditation. TM is Hinduism adapted by Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, a Hindu guru, for use in a Western cultural setting. Fr. Pennington, one of the authors of centering prayer and an ardent supporter of TM, says, "Mahesh Yogi, employing the terminology of the ancient Vedic tradition, speaks of this [practice of TM] ‘to plunge into deep, deep rest for fifteen or twenty minutes twice a day’ as experiencing the Absolute. The Christian knows by faith that this Absolute is our God of love, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, who dwells in us. When he goes to his deepest self, he finds in himself an image and participation of God, and he finds God himself."

Fr. Pennington approves a Christian’s participation in TM, despite the fact that the introductory ceremony to TM, the Puja, involves worship of a dead Hindu guru and that the mantras given those being initiated are in fact the names of Hindu gods. For a Christian knowingly to participate in TM is a violation of the Second Commandment against false worship.
In the February 1998 issue of the same magazine, letters to the editor about Fr. Dreher's article appear. Ironically, the first one defends Fr. Keating as perfectly orthodox, whereas you would (far as I can tell) disagree with that assessment. But Fr. Dreher's response and the documentation he provides, is, I think, compelling in showing that Fr. Pennington and Fr. Keating have both committed the errors of espousing false belief-systems to a very troubling degree. I cite his response in full:
Fr. John Dreher replies: In the spirit of dialogue, especially with those who have had some involvement with centering prayer, let me highlight the crucial issue: Is centering prayer traditional Catholic contemplative prayer or is it New Age in Christian dress ­or, at least, heavily influenced by the New Age? Some correspondents make reference to the "method" of centering prayer, so I will begin my response in that area. But first let me say that I believe in contemplative prayer. I practice it every day, and I am reasonably well read in Catholic mystical theology.

1. Method. The guidelines for centering prayer bear similarities to traditional contemplation, enough to package it as Catholic contemplation, but are essentially different.

Guideline 1: "Choose a sacred word as the symbol of your intention to consent to God’s presence and action within." The "sacred word" has an indispensable place within centering prayer (and in Transcendental Meditation, where it is called a "mantra") but is not the heart of the Catholic contemplative tradition. Centering prayer uses the "sacred word" as a focusing device for psychic energies. In Catholic contemplation, when I say or think "Jesus," I intend to relate in a personal way to Jesus. I do not say "love, peace, mercy, silence, stillness, calm, faith, trust," though centering prayer commends them as "sacred words," because these qualities or attributes are not persons. The rosary and the Jesus Prayer, though they undeniably have a calming effect, have a personal and relational content that is primary.

Guideline 2: "Sitting comfortably and with eyes closed, settle briefly and silently introduce the sacred word as the symbol of your consent to God’s presence and action within." What is the nature of "God’s presence and action within"? I reiterate two points I made in the article about the indwelling of God: that it does not reduce his transcendence or make him accessible by any technique or method, and that we are not to go to God deep within but from deep within.

Guideline 3: "When you become aware of thoughts, return ever so gently to the sacred word." Distractions are a problem not only in contemplative prayer but in daily life as well. A good spiritual director, in Catholic tradition, might offer one of, say, ten different ways to deal with it, depending on the situation. Guideline 3 is a means of deepening the focus of psychic energies and is a hypnotic technique.

What about centering prayer’s fruitfulness in dissipating stress and bringing peace? Many report this outcome. I do not dispute the effect, just the cause. The medieval Flemish mystic Ruysbroeck said there is a form of peace that is purely natural: "When a man is bare and imageless in his senses and empty and idle in his higher powers, he enters into a rest through mere nature . . . without the grace of God. These people err gravely. They immerse themselves in an absolute silence that is purely natural, and a false liberty of spirit is born from this. Having drawn the body in upon itself, they are mute, unmoving. . . . They mistake these types of simplicity for those which are reached through God. In reality they have lost God" (John Ruysbroeck, Adornment of the Spiritual Marriage).

Guideline 4: "At the end of the prayer period, remain in silence with eyes closed for a couple of minutes." I am not aware of such an instruction in the Catholic contemplative tradition. It is, however, a common place for emerging from a hypnotic state. The examples of St. Teresa, St. Bernadette, the children of Fatima, Padre Pio, and many others who have experienced states of "trance" are not the same, for these are not "acquired contemplation" (accomplished by human effort) but "infused contemplation" in which God has taken the full initiative.

2. New Age? The similarities between centering prayer and Transcendental Meditation are striking. "As an ex-TM mediator," says Fr. Finbarr Flanagan, O.F.M., "I find it hard to see any differences between centering prayer and Transcendental Meditation." Frs. Keating, Menninger, and Pennington authored centering prayer at a time when St. Joseph Abbey had received several retreats involving Eastern religions, including Transcendental Meditation. I cited Fr. Pennington’s praise for the Hindu guru and author of Transcendental Meditation. This involvement in eclecticism has continued. Fr. Pennington has not just attended an e.s.t (Erhard Sensitivity Training) session but has served on its board. Frs. Keating and Pennington gave endorsements, appearing on the dust jacket, for Meditations on the Tarot: A Journey in Christian Hermeticism. The tarot is a deck of cards used in fortune telling. Fr. Keating calls the book "the greatest contribution to date toward the rediscovery and renewal of the Christian contemplative tradition." Fr. Pennington says it is "without doubt the most extraordinary work I have ever read." Amity House, the publisher, is heavily New Age. The Library of Congress has classified the book under "occult sciences" and "cartomancy."
For more on the book about the Tarot, see the article, von Blathasar and the Tarot, by Carl Olson, writing in Ignatius Insight Scoop: the blog of Ignatius Press (an orthodox Catholic publisher). This issue is complicated by the fact that Hans Urs von Balthasar: a highly-regarded theologian (whose works have often been published by Ignatius Press) wrote a Foreword to the book (see excerpts from it). On this same page (discussion portion), Stratford Caldecott, a Catholic writer, who reviewed the book positively in The National Catholic Register, admits it is not totally orthodox, and that von Balthasar had also noted this:
Hi, I am Stratford Caldecott, editor of 'Second Spring' as mentioned above. Carl asked me to jump in. I have to say the intention of our journal is to be as open-minded as we can be from within a total commitment to Catholic truth and the authority of the Church. As background, I am a convert from a New Age sort of background (by which I don't mean the flakier kinds of occultism but simply an interest in mysticism and other religions, that kind of thing). My heroes are Newman, Chesterton, Tolkien, JPII, Ratzinger/Benedict, not to mention various saints - and I count Balthasar as a big influence, though do not regard him as infallible.

I don't have time now to dig out my original review of Tomberg, but will try to do that later if it might be helpful. It is a very rich and stimulating book, but as Balthasar said (in comments largely edited out of the 'Afterword' to the English paperback edition because they sounded too critical) there are certain flaws that need to be borne in mind. It does not appear to be totally orthodox, despite the author's intention. However, the book is not at all to do with 'Tarot' in the sense of divination, but uses the SYMBOLS on the cards as a way into a series of meditations on the Christian and the 'Hermetic' traditions that he is trying to weave together.

The book does raise some big questions. But they are questions worth asking. In my book 'The Seven Sacraments' I found some of Tomberg's insights helpful in relating the sacraments to the Signs and I am sayings in the Gospel of John, etc. - but this is an old medieval custom in any case.

Good luck with this discussion. I know the very word 'Tarot' raises hackles, and that is understandable. But for some people (not everyone) the book can be very helpful, I think.

(April 5, 2007; bolding emphases added)
Another web page offers extensive information on the book, including excerpts. The Foreword of the book would seem to indicate outright advocacy of the practice of Tarot:
On the other hand, there existed in France -- and it still persists -- a continuous tradition of Hermeticism, in which is united a spirit of free research with one of respect for the tradition. The purpose of these Letters therefore will be to 'incarnate' into this tradition, i.e. to become an organic part of it, and in this way to contribute support to it.

"As these Letters are intended only to serve, to sustain, and to support the Hermetic tradition -- from its first appearance in the era of Hermes Trismegistus, lost in the remoteness of antiquity and become legendary -- they are a definite manifestation of this millennial-old current of thought, effort, and revelation. Their aim is not only to revive the tradition in the twentieth century but also, and above all, to immerse the reader (or rather the Unknown Friend) in this current -- be it temporarily or forever. . . . For these are in essence twenty-two spiritual exercises, by means of which you, dear Unknown Friend, will immerse yourself in the current of the living tradition, and thus enter into the community of spirits who have served it and who are still serving it.
Translator Robert Powell writes in a review:
Here it must be said that the author's work does not just connect onto the Hermetic tradition, but rather revivifies it by establishing something new. He has brought into being a new and Christian form of Hermeticism: the birth of Christian Hermeticism is accomplished through these Letters. The reader of the twenty two Letters who works his way through them as meditations can experience that he is on a journey: a journey into Christian Hermeticism.
The excerpt from this book on "Death" (Letter 13) provided on this web page appears to teach the non-Christian belief in reincarnation:
The thirteenth Arcanum of the Tarot is therefore that of the principle of subtraction or death, and is the opposite of the principle of addition or life. It is necessary to subtract the Self from the astral body, the etheric body and the physical body in order to understand the mechanism of forgetting; it is necessary to subtract the Self and the astral body, from the etheric body and the physical body in order to obtain the state of sleep; and it is necessary to subtract the Self, the astral body and the etheric body from the physical body in order to obtain the corpse, i.e. the fact of death. These three degrees of subtraction in their totality constitute the process of excarnation, just as the corresponding three degrees of addition constitute the totality of the process of incarnation. For incarnation is the addition of an astral body to the Self, the addition of an etheric body to the astral body and the Self, and lastly the addition of a physical body to the etheric body, the astral body and the Self.
The Catechism of the Catholic Church flatly rejects reincarnation:
1013 Death is the end of man's earthly pilgrimage, of the time of grace and mercy which God offers him so as to work out his earthly life in keeping with the divine plan, and to decide his ultimate destiny. When "the single course of our earthly life" is completed, we shall not return to other earthly lives: "It is appointed for men to die once." There is no "reincarnation" after death.
The meditation from the book, "The High Priestess" (Letter 2) strikes me as rather bizarre, from an orthodox Catholic standpoint:
The re-birth from Water and Spirit which the Master indicates to Nicodemus is the re-establishment of the state of consciousness prior to the Fall, where the Spirit was divine Breath and where this Breath was reflected by virginal Nature. This is Christian yoga. Its aim is not "radical deliverance" (mukti), i.e. the state of consciousness without breath and without reflection, but rather "baptism from Water and the Spirit", which is the complete and perfect response to divine action. These two kinds of baptism bring about the reintegration of the two constituent elements of consciousness as such ­ the active element and the passive element. There is no consciousness without these two elements, and the suppression of this duality by means of a practical method such as that inspired by the ideal of unity (advaita ­ non-duality) must necessarily lead to the extinction not of being but rather of consciousness. Then this would not be a new birth of consciousness, but instead would be its return to the pre-natal embryonic cosmic state.

. . . Christian yoga does not aspire directly to unity, but rather to the unity of two. This is very important for understanding the standpoint which one takes towards the infinitely serious problem of unity and duality. For this problem can open the door to truly divine mysteries and can also close them to us...for ever, perhaps, who knows? Everything depends on its comprehension. We can decide in favour of monism and say to ourselves that there can be only one sole essence, one sole being. Or we can decide ­ in view of considerable historical and personal experience ­ in favour of dualism and say to ourselves that there are two principles in the world; good and evil, spirit and matter, and that , entirely incomprehensible though this duality is at root, it must be admitted as an incontestable fact. WE can, moreover, decide in favour of a third point of view, namely that of love as the cosmic principle which presupposes duality and postulates its non-substantial but essential unity.

These three points of view are found at the basis of the Vedanta (advaita) and Spinozism (monism), Manichaeism and certain gnostic schools (dualism), and the Judaeo-Christian current (love).
The Vatican document: Jesus Christ: The Bearer of the Water of Life: A Christian Reflection on the "New Age" does indeed (as you allude to) provide a very helpful Christian treatment of the general subject. It includes sections on hermeticism and anthroposophy:
Hermeticism: philosophical and religious practices and speculations linked to the writings in the Corpus Hermeticum, and the Alexandrian texts attributed to the mythical Hermes Trismegistos. When they first became known during the Renaissance, they were thought to reveal pre-Christian doctrines, but later studies showed they dated from the first century of the christian era. Alexandrian hermeticism is a major resource for modern esotericism, and the two have much in common: eclecticism, a refutation of ontological dualism, an affirmation of the positive and symbolic character of the universe, the idea of the fall and later restoration of mankind. Hermetic speculation has strengthened belief in an ancient fundamental tradition or a so-called philosophia perennis falsely considered as common to all religious traditions. The high and ceremonial forms of magic developed from Renaissance Hermeticism.

Anthroposophy: a theosophical doctrine originally popularised by the Croat Rudolf Steiner (1861-1925), who left the Theosophical Society after being leader of its German branch from 1902 to 1913. It is an esoteric doctrine meant to initiate people into “objective knowledge” in the spiritual-divine sphere. Steiner believed it had helped him explore the laws of evolution of the cosmos and of humanity. Every physical being has a corresponding spiritual being, and earthly life is influenced by astral energies and spiritual essences. The Akasha Chronicle is said to be a “cosmic memory” available to initiates.
At this point (though I would like to study the issue further), I would be very wary of this book, Meditations on the Tarot: A Journey in Christian Hermeticism, as it appears to cross the line between looking for elements in non-Christian and heterodox Christian religious belief-systems that are true (a fully Catholic practice, and one highly stressed at Vatican II) and outright advocacy of those practices, which involves contradiction to Catholic doctrine and metaphysical philosophy. Fr. Pennington's extreme praise of the book indicates to me that he has also (though not necessarily) blurred this distinction. Stratford Caldecott, editor of Second Spring: A Journal of Faith & Culture, positively reviewed the book, but also admitted that it was not "totally orthodox."

I'll let you make up your own mind as to the materials I have presented. It has made me very curious, myself. We want to avoid the two poles of conspiratorialism and "guilt by association" on one hand and laxity in doctrinal orthodoxy out of a desire for conciliation and ecumenism and a certain level of permissible syncretism, on the other.

* * *

Clare McGrath Merkle (or an unmentioned person; it's not clear) wrote an article entitled "Centering Prayer: Catholic Meditation or Occult Meditation?" This appeared in The Contemplative Prayer Online magazine. The writer provides a bit of documented argumentation in that piece.

Of related interest is an article by Margaret A. Feaster, that was published in Homiletic & Pastoral Review: "A Closer Look at Centering Prayer" (October 2004: pp. 26-31, 44-46). This article contains an abundance of information and critiques both Fr. Pennington and Fr. Keating. That means that two major, respected, orthodox Catholic magazines hold to the same view of the difficulties in Fr. Pennington's and Fr. Keating's opinions. EWTN also agrees, since it has on its site the critiques of Clare McGrath Merkle, on two of its shows (including The Journey Home). This is not insignificant.

Yet another article mentions a Vatican document spearheaded by then Cardinal Ratzinger (the present pope), Centering Prayer Meets the Vatican, by Dan DeCelles. This originally appeared in New Heaven / New Earth, April 1990, and is reprinted, like Feaster's article, on the Catholic Culture website. The author notes:
Although Some Aspects of Christian Meditation does not single out any persons or schools of thought by name, many of its warnings apply to the centering- prayer literature, including the writings of Abbot Keating and his spiritual disciple Father Basil Pennington, O.C.S.O. Both have backgrounds in Eastern meditation methods and cite those experiences favorably as instructive for today's Christians.
That's not to say that I would necessarily think either man is a raving dissenter, deliberately out to subvert Catholic doctrine. That doesn't follow at all. But there are difficulties here of advocacy of questionable practices and beliefs and a thin line between Catholic doctrine and heterodox hermetic beliefs that cannot be squared with Catholic doctrine. This is why we have the magisterium: to guide us and show us if we are being led astray, whether inadvertently or not, and whether the ones erring may have the very best of intentions and not be aware that they are doing anything questionable, let alone wrong.

That said, I just found an interview in the What is Enlightenment? Magazine, where Fr. Pennington advocates a female priesthood:
WIE: In my talk with Father Panteleimon, he went on to assert that this seemingly discriminatory aspect of the Christian tradition ­the Twelve Apostles and the priests all being male ­is in fact inspired and sanctioned by God "Himself," and that allowing the tradition to be toyed with by misguided reformers who want to ordain women can only have disastrous consequences. But some liberal voices within the Catholic Church, such as yours, insist that traditional Christianity's attitude toward women is not sanctioned by God but has its roots in the patriarchal ambience of the Church's early history and now can be modified to suit our more socially enlightened times.

BP: You know, our present Holy Father, Pope John Paul II, is a very sharp person, and I wonder if he wasn't sending that very message to the Church and his people when he spoke on this a couple of years ago. According to Catholic belief, you know, he has the power to speak infallibly, but very rarely has it ever been invoked. And when people have tried to push him to speak infallibly about this particular subject, as well as about other things, he's always refused ­so that's already a message. But it was even more significant to me that two weeks after his very sweet apology for the way his predecessors had treated Galileo, in which he said publicly that they had failed because they'd taken the scriptures too literally, he spoke out against this question of ordaining women, himself explicitly arguing, just as Father Panteleimon does ­from a very literal interpretation of scripture ­that this male-only priesthood is simply the way it's always been and always will be. Now, again, he's a sharp man and I don't think he was missing that. I think he was sending a message that said, in effect, "Just as they were too sure about Galileo back then, we're a little too sure about this thing now. Just wait around, boys, and you'll see." In other words, I think that by using the very same arguments he himself had said were wrong in the Galileo case, he was saying to us, "Hey, this could change, too!" And not only that it could change but that it will!
Shortly afterwards, he waffles on the question of homosexuality and claims that we are all (in some sense) bisexual:
WIE: Continuing in this vein, in our time there are also many people who view their own experience of gender or sexual preference as the very basis of their spiritual path. For example, there are women who worship the Goddess; there are men who champion a distinctly male spirituality; and there are many gays and lesbians who regard their sexual orientation as requiring unique forms of practice and worship. In fact, some advocates of a distinctly "gay spirituality" have even suggested that because the male and female polarities are theoretically more fully integrated and balanced in homosexuals, theirs is an inherently superior form of spiritual practice. For all of these individuals, gender and sexuality are seen as central to the path and as giving rise to fundamentally different paths for men and women, homosexuals and heterosexuals. What do you see as the advantages and limitations of a view that focuses on gender identification or sexual orientation as a path in itself to spiritual freedom?

BP: I would say that the differences are not that fundamental. What's much more fundamental is that we are all in some way expressions of the Divine Being and Life. Of course it's a reality that we come out male or female, but once again, those are secondary. They're a part of reality, such that when you come into the fullness of who you are in God, and the expression of God that you are, they'll still be there. But sexual orientation is even farther down the road and also a little more problematic than gender, because even though we pride ourselves on having learned and understood so much about sex, I don't think there's anybody who can tell you what the basis of sexual orientation really is. And I think that ultimately we're all bisexual anyway, which makes me even more hesitant to speak about sexual orientation as being a fundamental part of one's spirituality. So while I have no doubt, as I said, that the male/female distinction is an essential though not a fundamental part of becoming fully, integrally divinized, I'd be much more hesitant to say that in order to be that full expression you're going to be gay or straight. And, as I said, ultimately I think that a person who's really free knows that they're bisexual ­that we all have the capacity to relate to our sexuality in these different ways.

WIE: What do you mean, exactly, when you say that "we're all bisexual"?

BP: It was established by the Kinsey Report, I think, that virtually nobody is right in the middle of that spectrum, or totally at one end or the other, but that it's a question of dominance. But most men are so afraid of their homosexual side that they totally ignore it or repress it if they can. And I think that many gay men and women have been so hurt by homophobia that they repress their heterosexual side ­though probably not as strongly as many heterosexuals tend to repress their homosexual side. All I'm really trying to say, though, is that both elements are there in everyone to varying degrees.

WIE: So in terms of a person who's liberated realizing that they're "bisexual," what that would mean is not necessarily that they would practice bisexuality, only that they would be fully aware of the potential within themselves to be both heterosexual and homosexual?

BP: Yes. I think that someone who's really free knows that they can relate with others in whatever way is appropriate and that they're not bound by a particular orientation that would make it impossible to relate with others in one way or the other.

WIE: And what about the notion, prevalent in some gay spiritual circles, that being homosexual makes one more predisposed to the Divine, or more open in some way to direct contact with the Divine?

BP: Well, if you're speaking about the human race as a whole, many people would probably accept the generalization that women are more disposed to spiritual or contemplative life and, based on that generalization, it could seem that those men who are more comfortable with their so-called "feminine side" would be more disposed to spiritual life than those who aren't. But again, I think that's all still kind of superficial because how much of that is sociological acculturation is difficult to say. To the extent that gay men tend to be more gentle and maternal and all those sorts of things, they might be more disposed to spirituality. But you see, we've labeled those characteristics as "feminine" without knowing whether, in their nature, they really are.
The interviewer, Simeon Alev, gushed:
We fully expected that a man of Father Pennington's renowned erudition and open-mindedness would have much to say about the relevance of gender and sexual orientation to the pursuit of true spiritual freedom, and we weren't disappointed.
I think the difficulties of this view from a perspective of orthodox Catholicism and its view of sexual morality, are rather obvious, and it doesn't make a spectacular impression on myself (to put it mildly) of where Fr. Pennington stood in the spectrum of things in the Church, according to her true teachings.

* * *

I located Stratford Caldecott's review of the book about Tarot cards (endorsed by both Fr. Pennington and Fr. Keating), reprinted at Ignatius Insight. Caldecott states:
Meditations on the Tarot has flaws: the influence of anthroposophy is still too evident, for example, in the discussion of reincarnation.

. . . More could be said about Balthasar's Foreword or Introduction to the French edition, which was reproduced in slightly truncated form as an Afterword to the English paperback edition. That Foreword originally began: "Having been asked to write an introduction to this book, which for most readers enters into unknown terrain, and yet is so richly rewarding to read, I must first of all acknowledge my lack of competence concerning the subject matter. I am not in a position to follow up and approve of each line of thought developed by the author, and still less to submit everything to a critical examination.

. . . Also omitted at the end of the piece from the English edition were the following comments of Balthasar's: "[The author] may from time to time make a step from the middle too far to the left (in presenting, for example, the teaching of reincarnation), . . .

By the latter criticisms I think Balthasar meant that there remained a certain imbalance in Tomberg's thought and method, which did not always rest in the calm centre of Catholic truth and flow from there, but struggled to reconcile and integrate the turbulent currents of Hermetic thought with the teachings of the Magisterium.
See also:

Q&A on Tarot Cards (EWTN)

History of Tarot Cards, Fr. William Saunders

Some Aspects of Christian Meditation (Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, 15 October 1989)

Section 12 reads:
12. With the present diffusion of eastern methods of meditation in the Christian world and in ecclesial communities, we find ourselves faced with a pointed renewal of an attempt, which is not free from dangers and errors, "to fuse Christian meditation with that which is non-Christian." Proposals in this direction are numerous and radical to a greater or lesser extent. Some use eastern methods solely as a psycho-physical preparation for a truly Christian contemplation; others go further and, using different techniques, try to generate spiritual experiences similar to those described in the writings of certain Catholic mystics.Still others do not hesitate to place that absolute without image or concepts, which is proper to Buddhist theory, on the same level as the majesty of God revealed in Christ, which towers above finite reality. To this end, they make use of a "negative theology," which transcends every affirmation seeking to express what God is, and denies that the things of this world can offer traces of the infinity of God. Thus they propose abandoning not only meditation on the salvific works accomplished in history by the God of the Old and New Covenant, but also the very idea of the One and Triune God, who is Love, in favor of an immersion "in the indeterminate abyss of the divinity." These and similar proposals to harmonize Christian meditation with eastern techniques need to have their contents and methods ever subjected to a thorough-going examination so as to avoid the danger of falling into syncretism.
* * *

I didn't have any opinion of Fr. Pennington one way or the other before I sought to answer your letter. I didn't have any "ax to grind" or prior agenda. After reading (especially) what he wrote about sexuality and a possible female "priesthood" it seems to me that he (may God rest his soul; I have nothing against him personally) labored under some serious misconceptions as to the Catholic faith and what is orthodox and what is not. I'd love to see how any orthodox Catholic would react to what Fr. Pennington stated about sexuality and gender issues in the interview I found.

I'm as committed to ecumenism as I am to apologetics, and have often defended the Church against false charges; e.g., the Assisi meetings (one / two) and the Church's approach to Islam (a post on that is currently on the front page of my blog; see other related articles: one / two).

Centering prayer is, I suspect (and I am no expert; I'm simply thinking out loud), somewhat like the charismatic movement -- and I consider myself a charismatic --, in that there is a lot of truth in much of it, but there are also excesses easy to fall into. Hence, the letter from Cardinal Ratzinger in 1989 that dealt with these. There is a line that can be crossed from considering the truths of other religions, and applauding them, and adopting (consciously or not) aspects of those religions that contradict our own.

I have no problem with contemplation whatsoever. I do have a problem with an inordinate mixing of incompatible eastern and western religious concepts. The question is the true nature of orthodox contemplative prayer, and what crosses the line into questionable territory.
As a new staff member of CHNI, part of my job -- flowing from my overwhelming apologetic emphasis -- is to answer questions (in this instance, about one of the guests on The Journey Home and her expressed opinion). From the feedback I have received thus far, CHNI agrees with my assessment. If something changes in that regard in the future, I'll let you know!

The present pope appears to agree with a strong caution towards methods that mix foreign concepts into Christianity in a way that does the latter harm. At the very least, we know that Fr. Pennington advocated a book that had unorthodox elements in it, such as reincarnation. Even von Balthasar admitted that, and he wrote the Foreword!

I've made plenty of distinctions, just as you have yourself (between Fr. Pennington and Fr. Keating, when the articles I have cited do not make such a distinction). I have to call this as I see it. As an apologist, with a long history of studying various religious belief-systems, it looks rather suspicious to me, based on what I have been reading. For example, Homiletic & Pastoral Review is a pretty solid, dependable resource. It's been in existence over 100 years. And it printed the article critical of some of these practices.

I've come up with plenty of material. You, too, have to judge this matter objectively, and seriously consider and pray about this information you have now received, not simply based on your obvious personal admiration for Fr. Pennington.

Wednesday, November 21, 2007

Chesterton Page Revamped / 80+ Online Books / Rare GKC Photos / Three Caricatures

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I have removed bad links from my Chesterton Page and have added literally dozens of online books (many, but not all, from Internet Archive editions), so that there are more than 80 Chesterton books by or about the great apologist and literary and social critic now available to read at no charge: practically every book written by him, and certainly all the more famous theological ones.

This listing is, without doubt, the most complete on the Internet in one place of Chesterton's full-length books, available online, and features a chronological listing too. Many titles were not listed even on Martin Ward's extensive listing of GKC books and articles. I always selected html when it was available for format, with the second choice being txt. Some of the book files (many of the "alternates") are PDFs. Additionally, there are a few audio books, culled from Martin Ward's page.

I've managed (as a special "bonus") to find some relatively rare photographs of Chesterton (several I had never seen): a page with eleven of them. One even features a broad, open-mouthed smile! Here's another copyrighted one I don't recall ever seeing. Enjoy!

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St. Augustine Was a CATHOLIC, Not a Proto-Protestant

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Detail of Botticelli's painting of St. Augustine (1480)

It's amazing how often this assertion is made: that the great Church father St. Augustine (354-430) was closer to Protestant beliefs than Catholic, or that (a less sweeping claim) he was at least closer to Protestants on some key divisive issues such as sola Scriptura and sola fide. I've written about various aspects of this hallowed Protestant myth many times (one / two / three / four / five).

Presently, I will simply list below his own words, categorized by doctrine, regarding 30 different beliefs. I've chosen some of the more striking excerpts from my latest book: The Church Fathers Were Catholic. The only portions not from my book are the ones on the deuterocanonical books and contraception. You be the judge.

As a preamble of sorts (and in the end, a bit of ironic humor), I shall present the high estimation of St. Augustine from Reformed Baptist James White, who somehow (inexplicably) convinces himself that Augustine is more in his camp, than in the Catholic one -- that he (equally remarkably) deems non-Christian (my emphases):
The old truth that Calvin preached, that Augustine preached, that Paul preached . . . Augustine and Calvin, who in successive ages were the great exponents of the system of grace . . .

("Dave Hunt vs. Charles Haddon Spurgeon")

It does not seem that any discussion of ancient theology can be pursued without invoking the great name of Augustine. But surely by now Roman controversialists should be aware that Augustine is no friend of their cause.

("Whitewashing the History of the Church")

Certain men throughout the history of the Christian church capture the imagination. Paul, Augustine, Wycliffe, Hus, Luther, Calvin, Zwingli - . . . .

("The Sovereign God, the Grace of Christ, and Sinful Man: A Brief Inquiry into the Theology of Jonathan Edwards")
* * * * *

Apostolic Succession?

[I]f you acknowledge the supreme authority of Scripture, you should recognise that authority which from the time of Christ Himself, through the ministry of His apostles, and through a regular succession of bishops in the seats of the apostles, has been preserved to our own day throughout the whole world, with a reputation known to all. (Reply to Faustus the Manichaean, 33:9; NPNF 1, Vol. IV, 345)

And if any one seek for divine authority in this matter, though what is held by the whole Church, and that not as instituted by Councils, but as a matter of invariable custom, is rightly held to have been handed down by apostolical authority, still we can form a true conjecture of the value of the sacrament of baptism in the case of infants. (On Baptism, 4, 24, 31; NPNF 1, Vol. IV, 61)

Baptism (Regenerative and Salvific)?

The Christians of Carthage have an excellent name for the sacraments, when they say that baptism is nothing else than "salvation" and the sacrament of the body of Christ nothing else than "life." Whence, however, was this derived, but from that primitive, as I suppose, and apostolic tradition, by which the Churches of Christ maintain it to be an inherent principle, that without baptism and partaking of the supper of the Lord it is impossible for any man to attain either to the kingdom of God or to salvation and everlasting life? (On Forgiveness of Sins and Baptism, 1:34; NPNF 1, V, 28)

When you shall have been baptized, keep to a good life in the commandments of God so that you may preserve your baptism to the very end. . . . Baptism was instituted for all sins. . . . In the Church, therefore, there are three ways in which sins are forgiven: in baptisms, in prayer, and in the greater humility of penance; yet, God does not forgive sins except to the baptized. (Sermon to Catechumens on the Creed 7:15, 8:16; Jurgens, III, 35)

"Catholic" Church

For in the Catholic Church, not to speak of the purest wisdom, to the knowledge of which a few spiritual men attain in this life, so as to know it, in the scantiest measure, deed, because they are but men, . . . - not to speak of this wisdom, which you do not believe to be in the Catholic Church, there are many other things which most justly keep me in her bosom. The consent of peoples and nations keeps me in the Church; so does her authority, inaugurated by miracles, nourished by hope, enlarged by love, established by age. The succession of priests keeps me, beginning from the very seat of the Apostle Peter, to whom the Lord, after His resurrection, gave it in charge to feed His sheep, down to the present episcopate. And so, lastly, does the name itself of Catholic, which, not without reason, amid so many heresies, the Church has thus retained; so that, though all heretics wish to be called Catholics, yet when a stranger asks where the Catholic Church meets, no heretic will venture to point to his own chapel or house. (Against the Epistle of Manichaeus 4:5; NPNF 1, Vol. IV, 130)

For my part, I should not believe the gospel except moved by the authority of the Catholic Church. (Against the Epistle of Manichaeus 5, 6; NPNF 1, Vol. IV, 131)

Church (Authority)?

God has placed this authority first of all in his Church. (Explanations of the Psalms, Tract 103:8, PL 37:520-521; in Congar, 392)

It is obvious; the faith allows it; the Catholic Church approves; it is true. (Sermon 117, 6)

Church (Scripture Interpreter)?

To be sure, although on this matter, we cannot quote a clear example taken from the canonical Scriptures, at any rate, on this question, we are following the true thought of Scriptures when we observe what has appeared good to the universal Church which the authority of these same Scriptures recommends to you; thus, since Holy Scripture cannot be mistaken, anyone fearing to be misled by the obscurity of this question has only to consult on this same subject this very Church which the Holy Scriptures point out without ambiguity. (Against Cresconius I:33; in Eno, 134)

Contraception?

The doctrine that the production of children is an evil, directly opposes the next precept, "Thou shall not commit adultery;" for those who believe this doctrine, in order that their wives may not conceive, are led to commit adultery even in marriage. They take wives, as the law declares, for the procreation of children; but from this erroneous fear of polluting the substance of the deity, their intercourse with their wives is not of a lawful character; and the production of children, which is the proper end of marriage, they seek to avoid. As the apostle long ago predicted of thee, thou dost indeed forbid to marry, for thou seekest to destroy the purpose of marriage. Thy doctrine turns marriage into an adulterous connection, and the bed-chamber into a brothel. (Against Faustus, Book XV, 7; NPNF 1, Vol. IV)

Deuterocanonical Books / So-Called "Apocrypha"?

Now the whole canon of Scripture on which we say this judgment is to be exercised, is contained in the following books:—Five books of Moses, that is, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy; one book of Joshua the son of Nun; one of Judges; one short book called Ruth, which seems rather to belong to the beginning of Kings; next, four books of Kings, and two of Chronicles—these last not following one another, but running parallel, so to speak, and going over the same ground. The books now mentioned are history, which contains a connected narrative of the times, and follows the order of the events. There are other books which seem to follow no regular order, and are connected neither with the order of the preceding books nor with one another, such as Job, and Tobias, and Esther, and Judith, and the two books of Maccabees, and the two of Ezra, which last look more like a sequel to the continuous regular history which terminates with the books of Kings and Chronicles. Next are the Prophets, in which there is one book of the Psalms of David; and three books of Solomon, viz., Proverbs, Song of Songs, and Ecclesiastes. For two books, one called Wisdom and the other Ecclesiasticus, are ascribed to Solomon from a certain resemblance of style, but the most likely opinion is that they were written by Jesus the son of Sirach. Still they are to be reckoned among the prophetical books, since they have attained recognition as being authoritative. The remainder are the books which are strictly called the Prophets: twelve separate books of the prophets which are connected with one another, and having never been disjoined, are reckoned as one book; the names of these prophets are as follows:—Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi; then there are the four greater prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Daniel, Ezekiel. The authority of the Old Testament is contained within the limits of these forty-four books. That of the New Testament, again, is contained within the following:—Four books of the Gospel, according to Matthew, according to Mark, according to Luke, according to John; fourteen epistles of the Apostle Paul—one to the Romans, two to the Corinthians, one to the Galatians, to the Ephesians, to the Philippians, two to the Thessalonians, one to the Colossians, two to Timothy, one to Titus, to Philemon, to the Hebrews: two of Peter; three of John; one of Jude; and one of James; one book of the Acts of the Apostles; and one of the Revelation of John. (On Christian Doctrine, Book II, Chapter 8, section 13: "The Canonical Books"; NPNF 1, Vol. II; bolding added presently)

Eternal Security / Perseverence?

But if someone already regenerate and justified should, of his own will, relapse into his evil life, certainly that man cannot say: “I have not received’; because he lost the grace he received from God and by his own free choice went to evil. (Admonition and Grace [c. 427], 6,9; Jurgens, III, 157)

Man, therefore, was thus made upright that, though unable to remain in his uprightness without divine help, he could of his own mere will depart from it. (Enchiridion of Faith, Hope, and Love, chapter 107; NPNF 1, Vol. III)

When you shall have been baptized, keep to a good life in the commandments of God so that you may preserve your baptism to the very end. . . . (Sermon to Catechumens on the Creed 7:15, 8:16; Jurgens, III, 35)

Eucharist (Adoration)?

For He took upon Him earth from earth; because flesh is from earth, and He received flesh from the flesh of Mary. And because He walked here in very flesh, and gave that very flesh to us to eat for our salvation; and no one eateth that flesh, unless he hath first worshipped: we have found out in what sense such a footstool of our Lord’s may be worshipped, and not only that we sin not in worshipping it, but that we sin in not worshipping. (Exposition on Psalm XCIX, 8; NPNF 1, Vol. VIII)

Eucharist (Real, Substantial, Physical Presence)?

“And was carried in His Own Hands:” how “carried in His Own Hands”? Because when He commended His Own Body and Blood, He took into His Hands that which the faithful know; and in a manner carried Himself, when He said, “This is My Body.” (Exposition on Psalm XXXIV, 1; NPNF 1, Vol. VIII)

What you see is the bread and the chalice . . . But what your faith obliges you to accept is that the bread is the Body of Christ and the chalice the Blood of Christ. (Sermons, 272; Jurgens, III, 32)

For not all bread, but only that which receives the blessing of Christ, becomes Christ's body. (Sermons, 234, 2; Jurgens, III, 31)


Eucharist (Salvific)?

Whence, however, was this derived, but from that primitive, as I suppose, and apostolic tradition, by which the Churches of Christ maintain it to be an inherent principle, that without baptism and partaking of the supper of the Lord it is impossible for any man to attain either to the kingdom of God or to salvation and everlasting life? (On Forgiveness of Sins and Baptism, 1:34; NPNF 1, V, 28)

Faith Alone (
Sola Fide)?

This must not be understood in such a way as to say that a man who has received faith and continues to live is righteous, even though he leads a wicked life. (Questions 76.1; commenting on Romans 3:28; Bray, 105; Defferari, Vol. 70, 195)

Unintelligent persons, however, with regard to the apostle's statement: "We conclude that a man is justified by faith without the works of the law," have thought him to mean that faith suffices to a man, even if he lead a bad life, and has no good works. (A Treatise on Grace and Free Will; Chapters 18; NPNF 1, Vol. V)

[E]ven those good works of ours, which are recompensed with eternal life, belong to the grace of God, . . . the apostle himself, after saying, "By grace are ye saved through faith; and that not of yourselves, it is the gift of God: not of works, lest any man should boast;" saw, of course, the possibility that men would think from this statement that good works are not necessary to those who believe, but that faith alone suffices for them . . . "Not of works" is spoken of the works which you suppose have their origin in yourself alone; but you have to think of works for which God has moulded (that is, has formed and created) you. . . . grace is for grace, as if remuneration for righteousness; in order that it may be true, because it is true, that God "shall reward every man according to his works." (A Treatise on Grace and Free Will; Chapter 20; NPNF 1, Vol. V)

Irresistible Grace?

He who made you without your consent does not justify you without your consent. He made you without your knowledge, but He does not justify you without your willing it. (Sermons, 169, 3; Jurgens, III, 29)

[N]either is the law condemned by the apostle nor is free will taken away from man. (On Romans 13-18; commenting on Romans 3:20; Bray, 96; Landes, 5, 7)

Mary (Mother and Spouse of God)?

Mary was that only one who merited to be called the Mother and Spouse of God. (Sermon 208)

Mary (Perpetual Virginity)?

Virgin in conceiving, virgin in giving birth, virgin with child, virgin mother, virgin forever. (Sermo 186, 1 [Christmas homily]; Gambero, 220)

Did not holy Virgin Mary both give birth as a virgin and remain a virgin? (Sermo Guelferbytanus, 1, 8; Miscellanea Agostiniana, 447-448; Gambero, 224)

Thus Christ by being born of a virgin, who, before she knew Who was to be born of her, had determined to continue a virgin, chose rather to approve, than to command, holy virginity. (Of Holy Virginity, section 4; NPNF 1, Vol. III, 418)

Mary (Sinlessness)?

We must except the holy Virgin Mary, concerning whom I wish to raise no question when it touches the subject of sins, out of honour to the Lord; for from Him we know what abundance of grace for overcoming sin in every particular was conferred upon her who had the merit to conceive and bear Him who undoubtedly had no sin. Well, then, if, with this exception of the Virgin, we could only assemble together all the forementioned holy men and women, and ask them whether they lived without sin whilst they were in this life, what can we suppose would be their answer? (A Treatise on Nature and Grace, chapter 42 [XXXVI]; NPNF 1, Vol. V)

Mass, Sacrifice of?

Thus He is both the Priest who offers and the Sacrifice offered. And He designed that there should be a daily sign of this in the sacrifice of the Church, which, being His body, learns to offer herself through Him. Of this true Sacrifice the ancient sacrifices of the saints were the various and numerous signs; . . . To this supreme and true sacrifice all false sacrifices have given place. (City of God, Book X, 20; NPNF 1, Vol. II)

Not only is no one forbidden to take as food the Blood of this Sacrifice, rather, all who wish to possess life are exhorted to drink thereof. (Questions of the Hepateuch, 3, 57; Jurgens, III, 134)

The entire Church observes the tradition delivered to us by the Fathers, namely, that for those who have died in the fellowship of the Body and Blood of Christ, prayer should be offered when they are commemorated at the actual Sacrifice in its proper place, and that we should call to mind that for them, too, that Sacrifice is offered. (Sermo, 172, 2; 173, 1; De Cura pro mortuis, 6; De Anima et ejus Origine, 2, 21; Pope, 69)

Was not Christ once for all offered up in His own person as a sacrifice? and yet, is He not likewise offered up in the sacrament as a sacrifice, not only in the special solemnities of Easter, but also daily among our congregations; so that the man who, being questioned, answers that He is offered as a sacrifice in that ordinance, declares what is strictly true? (Epistles, 98, 9; NPNF 1, Vol. I)

The Hebrews, again, in their animal sacrifices, which they offered to God in many varied forms, suitably to the significance of the institution, typified the sacrifice offered by Christ. This sacrifice is also commemorated by Christians, in the sacred offering and participation of the body and blood of Christ. (Against Faustus, XX, 18; NPNF 1, Vol. IV)

Merit: Opposed to Sola Gratia?

The Lord made Himself a debtor not by receiving something, but by promising something. One does not say to Him "Pay for what You received," but, "Pay what You promised." (Commentary on Psalms 83:16; Jurgens, III, 19)

You are glorified in the assembly of your Holy Ones, for in crowning their merits you are crowning your own gifts. (En. in Ps. 102:7; cf. Ep. 194, 5, 19)

Someone says to me: “Since we are acted upon, it is not we who act.” I answer, “No, you both act and are acted upon; and if you are acted upon by the good, you act properly. For the spirit of God who moves you, by so moving, is your Helper. The very term helper makes it clear that you yourself are doing something.” (Sermons 156, 11; Jurgens, III, 28)

Wherefore, even eternal life itself, which is surely the reward of good works, the apostle calls the gift of God . . . We are to understand, then, that man’s good deserts are themselves the gift of God, so that when these obtain the recompense of eternal life, it is simply grace given for grace. (Enchiridion of Faith, Hope, and Love, chapter 107; NPNF 1, Vol. III)

Mortal and Venial Sins?

When you shall have been baptized, keep to a good life in the commandments of God so that you may preserve your baptism to the very end. I do not tell you that you will live here without sin, but they are venial sins which this life is never without. Baptism was instituted for all sins. For light sins, without which we cannot live, prayer was instituted. . . . But do not commit those sins on account of which you would have to be separated from the body of Christ. Perish the thought! . . . If their sins were light, daily prayer would suffice to blot them out.

In the Church, therefore, there are three ways in which sins are forgiven: in baptisms, in prayer, and in the greater humility of penance; yet, God does not forgive sins except to the baptized. (Sermon to Catechumens on the Creed 7:15, 8:16; Jurgens, III, 35)

The Papacy and Roman ("Apostolic") See (Primacy of)?

Argue with them when they speak against grace, and if they persist, bring them to us. You see, there have already been two councils about this matter, and their decisions sent to the Apostolic See; from there rescripts have been sent back here. The case is finished; if only the error were finished too, sometime! So, let us all warn them to take notice of this, teach them to learn the lesson of it, pray for them to change their ideas. (Sermon 131, 10, in John Rotelle, editor, The Works of St. Augustine - Sermons, 11 volumes, Part 3, New Rochelle: New City Press, 1993, Vol. 4:322; the saying, "Rome has spoken; the case is closed" is a paraphrase of part of this sermon. Jurgens, [III, 28] translates it as "two Councils have already been sent to the Apostolic See; and from there rescripts too have come. The matter is at an end; would that the error too might sometime be at an end.")

This was thought to have been the case in him when he replied that he consented to the letters of Pope Innocent of blessed memory, in which all doubt about this matter was removed . . . [T]he words of the venerable Bishop Innocent concerning this matter to the Carthaginian Council ... What could be more clear or more manifest than that judgment of the Apostolical See? (Against Two Letters of the Pelagians, 3:5; NPNF 1, Vol. V, 393-394)

[T]he Catholic Church, by the mercy of God, has repudiated the poison of the Pelagian heresy. There is an account of the provincial Council of Carthage, written to Pope Innocent, and one of the Council of Numidia; and another, somewhat more detailed, written by five bishops, as well as the answer he [Pope Innocent] wrote to these three; likewise, the report to Pope Zosimus of the Council of Africa, and his answer which was sent to all the bishops of the world. (Letter to Valentine, Epistle 215; Deferrari, 32: 63-64)

. . . the Roman Church, in which the supremacy of an apostolic chair has always flourished. (To Glorius et al, Epistle 43, 7; NPNF 1, Vol. I, 278)

Penance?

After they have been released from your severe sentence we separate from association at the altar those whose crimes are public, so that by repenting and by punishing themselves they may be able to placate Him for whom, by their sinning, they showed their contempt. (Letter to Macedonius, Imperial Vicar of Africa, 153, 3, 6; Jurgens, III, 7)

For those whom you see doing penance have committed crimes, either adultery or some other enormities. That is why they are doing penance. If their sins were light, daily prayer would suffice to blot them out. In the Church, therefore, there are three ways in which sins are forgiven: in baptisms, in prayer, and in the greater humility of penance . . . (Sermon to Catechumens on the Creed 7:15, 8:16; Jurgens, III, 35)

[T]his is why, either to demonstrate the misery he deserves, or for the amendment of his disgraceful life, or for the exercise of needful patience, a man is detained temporally in punishment even when by his guilt he is no longer held liable to eternal damnation. (Homilies on John, 124, 5; Jurgens, III, 123)

Peter (Primacy and Preeminence)?

The Lord, indeed, had told His disciples to carry a sword; but He did not tell them to use it. But that after this sin Peter should become a pastor of the Church was no more improper than that Moses, after smiting the Egyptian, should become the leader of the congregation. (Reply to Faustus the Manichean, 22:70; NPNF 1, Vol. IV, 299)

Among these [apostles] it was only Peter who almost everywhere was given privilege of representing the whole Church. It was in the person of the whole Church, which he alone represented, that he was privileged to hear, 'To you will I give the keys of the kingdom of heaven' (Mt 16:19)... Quite rightly too did the Lord after his resurrection entrust his sheep to Peter to be fed. It's not, you see, that he alone among the disciples was fit to feed the Lord's sheep; but when Christ speaks to one man, unity is being commended to us. And he first speaks to Peter, because Peter is first among the apostles. (Sermon 295:2-4, in John Rotelle, editor, The Works of St. Augustine - Sermons, 11 volumes, Part 3, New Rochelle: New City Press, 1993, 197-199)

. . . the Apostle Peter, in whom the primacy of the apostles shines with such exceeding grace . . . who can be ignorant that the primacy of his apostleship is to be preferred to any episcopate whatever?" (On Baptism 2:1,1; NPNF 1, Vol. IV, 425-426)

Prayers for the Dead?

It is not to be doubted that the dead are aided by prayers of the holy church, and by the salutary sacrifice, and by the alms, which are offered for their spirits . . . For this, which has been handed down by the Fathers, the universal church observes. (Sermon 172, in Joseph Berington and John Kirk, The Faith of Catholics, three volumes, London: Dolman, 1846; I: 439)

Prayer, however, is offered for other dead who are remembered. (Sermons: 159, 1; Jurgens, III, 29)

For some of the dead, indeed, the prayer of the Church or of pious individuals is heard; but it is for those who, having been regenerated in Christ, did not spend their life so wickedly that they can be judged unworthy of such compassion, nor so well that they can be considered to have no need of it. (The City of God, XXI, 24, 2; NPNF 1, Vol. II)

Purgatory?

The man who perhaps has not cultivated the land and has allowed it to be overrun with brambles has in this life the curse of his land on all his works, and after this life he will have either purgatorial fire or eternal punishment. (Genesis Defended Against the Manicheans, 2, 20, 30)

As also, after the resurrection, there will be some of the dead to whom, after they have endured the pains proper to the spirits of the dead, mercy shall be accorded, and acquittal from the punishment of the eternal fire. For were there not some whose sins, though not remitted in this life, shall be remitted in that which is to come, it could not be truly said, “They shall not be forgiven, neither in this world, neither in that which is to come.” (The City of God, XXI, 24, 2; NPNF 1, Vol. II)

Relics?

But, nevertheless, we do not build temples, and ordain priests, rites, and sacrifices for these same martyrs; for they are not our gods, but their God is our God. Certainly we honor their reliquaries, as the memorials of holy men of God who strove for the truth even to the death of their bodies, that the true religion might be made known, and false and fictitious religions exposed. (City of God, Book VIII, chapter 27; NPNF 1, Vol. II)

When the bishop Projectus was bringing the relics of the most glorious martyr Stephen to the waters of Tibilis, a great concourse of people came to meet him at the shrine. There a blind woman entreated that she might be led to the bishop who was carrying the relics. He gave her the flowers he was carrying. She took them, applied them to her eyes, and forthwith saw. (City of God, Book XXII, chapter 8; NPNF 1, Vol. II)

Saints (Invocation / Intercession of)?

For it is wrong to pray for a martyr, to whose prayers we ought ourselves be commended. (Sermons: 159, 1; Jurgens, III, 29)

Saints (Veneration of)?

No one officiating at the altar in the saints’ burying-place ever says, We bring an offering to thee, O Peter! or O Paul! or O Cyprian! The offering is made to God, who gave the crown of martyrdom, while it is in memory of those thus crowned. The emotion is increased by the associations of the place, and love is excited both towards those who are our examples, and towards Him by whose help we may follow such examples. We regard the martyrs with the same affectionate intimacy that we feel towards holy men of God in this life, when we know that their hearts are prepared to endure the same suffering for the truth of the gospel. There is more devotion in our feeling towards the martyrs, because we know that their conflict is over; and we can speak with greater confidence in praise of those already victors in heaven, than of those still combating here. What is properly divine worship, which the Greeks call latria, and for which there is no word in Latin, both in doctrine and in practice, we give only to God. To this worship belongs the offering of sacrifices; as we see in the word idolatry, which means the giving of this worship to idols. Accordingly we never offer, or require any one to offer, sacrifice to a martyr, or to a holy soul, or to any angel. (Against Faustus, Book XX, section 21; NPNF 1, Vol. IV)

Scripture Alone (Sola Scriptura)?


And thus a man who is resting upon faith, hope, and love, and who keeps a firm hold upon these, does not need the Scriptures except for the purpose of instructing others. Accordingly, many live without copies of the Scriptures, even in solitude, on the strength of these three graces. (On Christian Doctrine, I, 39:43; NPNF 1, Vol. II, 534)

Tradition (Infallible and Authoritative)?

I believe that this practice [of not rebaptizing heretics and schismatics] comes from apostolic tradition, just as so many other practices not found in their writings nor in the councils of their successors, but which, because they are kept by the whole Church everywhere, are believed to have been commanded and handed down by the Apostles themselves. (On Baptism, 2, 7, 12; Jurgens, III, 66; cf. NPNF 1, IV, 430)

Tradition (Oral)?

. . . the custom, which is opposed to Cyprian, may be supposed to have had its origin in apostolic tradition, just as there are many things which are observed by the whole Church, and therefore are fairly held to have been enjoined by the apostles, which yet are not mentioned in their writings. (On Baptism, 5, 23:31; NPNF 1, IV, 475)

Bibliographical Sources

Bray, Gerald, editor [Thomas C. Oden, general editor of series), Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture: New Testament VI: Romans, Downers Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity Press, 1998.

Congar, Yves, Tradition and Traditions: An Historical and Theological Essay, New York: Macmillan, 1967.

Deferrari, R.J., editor, Fathers of the Church: A New Translation, 86 volumes, Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1947 --.

Eno, Robert B., Teaching Authority in the Early Church, Wilmington: Michael Glazier, 1984.

Gambero, Luigi, Mary and the Fathers of the Church: The Blessed Virgin Mary in Patristic Thought, Thomas Buffer, translator, San Francisco: Ignatius Press, revised edition of 1999.

Jurgens, William A., editor and translator, The Faith of the Early Fathers, three volumes, Collegeville, Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1970 and 1979 (2nd and 3rd volumes).

Landes, P.F. editor, Augustine on Romans, Chico: California: Scholars Press, 1982.

Pope, Hugh, St. Augustine of Hippo, Garden City, New York: Doubleday Image, 1961 (originally 1937).

Schaff, Philip, editor, Early Church Fathers: Nicene & Post-Nicene Fathers Series 1 (“NPNF 1”), 14 volumes, originally published in Edinburgh, 1889, available online.

Tuesday, November 20, 2007

Lutheran-Catholic Dialogue #4: "Tragic Necessity" of Reform / Indulgences / Nominalism / Causes of Schism / Luther on "Papists" / Fathers' Authority

http://cdn.harpercollins.com/harperimages/isbn/large/2/9780060822132.jpg

The great Protestant Church historian Alister McGrath's brand-new book


See previous installments:

Lutheran-Catholic Group Dialogue Commences: Introductions (+ Discussion)

Lutheran-Catholic Group Dialogue #2: The Nature of the True Church and Authoritative Christian Tradition / Questions on Institutional Separation (+ Discussion)

Lutheran-Catholic Dialogue #3: Comparative Ecclesiology / Grace & Merit / Lutheran View of the Mass Compared to the Catholic View of Lutheran Worship
(+ Discussion)

Pastor Larry A. Nichols (Lutheran - Missouri Synod, or "LCMS") is the author of several books, including Dictionary of Cults, Sects, Religions, and the Occult (Zondervan Publishing House, 1993, with George A. Mather & Alvin J. Schmidt), Masonic Lodge (Zondervan, 1995; with George A. Mather & Alan W. Gomes), Discovering the Plain Truth: How the Worldwide Church of God Encountered the Gospel of Grace (Intervarsity Press, 1997; co-author George A. Mather), and Encyclopedic Dictionary of World Religions (2006; with George A. Mather & Alvin J. Schmidt). He has also written many journal articles.

Pastor Nichols' words will be in
blue.

* * * * *

At long last I find some time to write a response. I must say that with my current pastoral responsibilities, PhD work, and teaching responsibilities, that if it were not for Johnny Montalvo, I would not be engaging in this debate. It is not that I do not enjoy theological exchanges, but the demands on my time right now are enormous. I do, however, take my pastoral role with Johnny quite seriously as I would with any member of my congregation and therefore I will indeed, along with my colleague, Rev. Ben Maton, take time to see this through so as to do all I can to help answer his inquiries towards the end of ultimately hearing the Gospel in all of its purity. And my good friend and colleague, Pastor Maton, is not lazy at all, just quite humble about his busy-ness.

I appreciate your taking the time to engage in a fruitful, educational discussion, and I am sure Johnny does, too. Thank God for clergymen who are attentive to the needs of their flock.And I am interested in promulgating not only the Gospel in all of its purity (amen!) but also the fullness of the complete apostolic deposit, and all the Christian truth that God has for us.

First of all, I would like to state up front where we are coming from because I’m afraid that there has been a great misunderstanding. After addressing this, I will get to each of David’s arguments and point out where we believe that there are inconsistencies and misrepresentations concerning what we were arguing in response to Johnny’s question concerning the authority of “Luther to start his own church.”

I am sure that with more interaction we can understand each other's viewpoints better. That's the great thing about dialogue. I want to hear your opinions and learn more about Lutheranism, and am grateful for the opportunity to help explain Catholicism a bit, too.

First to the very issue of Lutheranism and the Reformation.

I would like to offer an analogy from Lutheran theologian Carl Braaten in his book Mother Church, 1998. Dr. Braaten is one of the most participatory theologians in the current ecumenical dialog between Lutherans and Roman Catholics. His views (mostly) represent my own. WithReformation Sunday having just taken place, I recently wrote an article reflecting upon whether we should continue as Lutherans to call the Reformation a “celebration.” Dr. Braaten, borrowing from Jaroslav Pelikan, (The Riddle of Roman Catholicism, (1959), calls it a “tragic necessity.” Dr. Braaten shares a modern day parable. In the first chapter of his book titled, The Tragedy of the Reformation and the Return to Catholicity, he writes:

In June of 1940 Adolf Hitler’s army invaded and conquered France. Marshall Petain became the head of the state under Hitler and formulated what was notoriously known as the Vichy Government. Petain acted as a puppet in Hitler’s occupation army. Many a loyal and patriotic Frenchmen, however, for the love of the true fatherland protested against the Vichy government. A man came forth – a kind of a savior figure for France at the crucial hour. He was General Charles de Gaulle. De Gaulle raised the cross of Lorraine in Britain and became the rallying point for all free Frenchmen who joined with him in the fight to liberate their beloved country. Frenchmen became divided. Some were loyal to the Vichy government of Petain, and others joined the free French forces in exile. Their purpose in being outside of France was to preserve the glory of France, to protest against a false government, to struggle for the liberation of their homeland, and on V-Day be reunited with their fellow countrymen.

What if those free Frenchmen had forgotten the reason for their exile, became accustomed to life outside of France, lost interest in returning, and began to think and act as if what was meant to be a temporary arrangement and provisional expedient in an emergency situation had actually become for them a permanent home and satisfying establishment? Suppose they had ignored the cause of liberation for which they rallied around de Gaulle and instead set up a new government in some other colony, calling it France, enjoying their newfound life so much that the very thought of ever going back to the land of their birth made them ill. Now if that had happened one would call it a tragedy – a tragedy very much like the tragedy of the Reformation.

(Carl Braaten, Mother Church: Ecclesiology and Ecumenism, (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1998), pp. 11-12)

Braaten then applies his parable to the fact of both the tragedy and the necessity of the Reformation. In so doing, any responsible Lutheran would agree that the events of the sixteenth century were indeed tragic. The question is – were they necessary? Part of the tragedy was the very abysmal state that the Roman Church had fallen into by the time of Luther. The tragedy also lies in the fact that Luther’s reforms should have been heeded. Any responsible Roman Catholic theologian, priest, etc. admits to the sorry state of affairs of Roman Catholicism in the late Middle Ages and that Luther’s protest over the sale of indulgences did indeed merit debate and reform. Instead, in the response from Armstrong, we see an attempt to defend the practice of indulgences.

But I don't disagree, for the most part, with this analysis (I do to some extent, but not nearly as much as you may imagine). I can assure you and our readers that "great misunderstanding" is present on both sides, as will be clearer as I proceed.

First of all, I'm the very last person who would ever deny that the Catholic Church needed to be reformed in the 16th century. It needs to be reformed at all times. I would say, in agreement with you, that not only any "responsible" Catholic should think that, but indeed, any conscious or sane Catholic whatsoever. In fact, I've never met any Catholic who thinks and knows history at all, who would deny this. That isn't the issue at all. No one disagrees with it. Rather, the real issue, as a Catholic sees it, is what should have been done to reform the tragic corruptions and nonsense and nominalism that were going on at the time.

We strongly agree with you that reform was necessary. But we would deny that a split (schism) or what is known as the "Reformation" was necessary. That is where the difference lies, rather than the common Protestant caricature of one side acknowledging problems and doing something about it and the other denying the problem and putting their collective heads in the sand. The Catholic Church had its own reform shortly afterwards, in the form of the Council of Trent.

Nor have I ever met an informed Catholic who would deny that the Catholic Church and Catholics shared a great deal of blame in the events of that time. The Catholic Church is often making "official" statements of regret and apology. To my knowledge, I don't recall seeing similar "official" pronouncements from Lutherans (if there are some, I'd love to be directed to them). There are some in the ongoing ecumenical dialogues, but LCMS rejects those from the outset. You may personally be interested in ecumenism (good for you), but your denomination has opposed the"official" Lutheran-Catholic dialogues.

Just yesterday, in my response to Pastor Maton, I cited a Catholic, James McCue, fully acknowledging that Catholics were largely to blame for fostering Luther's antipathy to the doctrine of the sacrifice of the mass:

Luther took Roman Catholic practice as a genuine incarnation of Roman Catholic doctrine: the meaning of the mass as "sacrifice" he read off from the lived piety of his day. In this he erred I think; but the way was prepared by the indifference of Roman Catholic theologians to the problem of the relation of theology to the concrete life of the Church. When theologians who defend the sacrificial concept of the mass seem not to be disturbed by the development of a sub-Christian understanding of sacrifice within Roman Catholic piety, then there is at least some justification for thinking that the piety does express the doctrine. It is a very natural assumption, though in a surprising number of cases it turns out to be false, that practice and doctrine will agree, and that the meaning of the latter is best understood by means of the former.

. . . the fact that Roman Catholic theologians -- both before Luther and after him -- did not think that it was an essential part of their theological responsibility to criticize the
status quo in light of the Church's norm and ideal helped to create a situation in which such misconstruction was possible.

McCue is thus -- without forsaking any Catholic doctrine -- willing to blame the laxity of Catholic theologians for being the primary cause of one of the major disagreements between Catholics and Protestants. If they had been doing their job, perhaps things could have turned out differently (at least regarding that doctrine). He doesn't even blame Luther for misunderstanding our doctrine of the mass (and speculates that Luther even basically agreed with the true doctrine).

Nor is it some new thing for me to admit that Catholics bore a large share of the blame (if not the lion's share). I agree with this. You cite Catholic theologian Karl Adam later in your reply. I'm well familiar with him, having read his book, The Spirit of Catholicism in 1990 (I recommend it very highly as an introduction to Catholic thought). I cited him in a paper I wrote in 1991 about Martin Luther and the Protestant Revolt, that eventually became part of the first draft of my book, A Biblical Defense of Catholicism.

The same excerpt was posted on my website in early 1997 and has remained in my online set of apologetic papers ever since. So this is nothing new. It's been part of my apologetic writing for almost a generation. I'm not just pulling it out of a hat now. I wholeheartedly agree with the following remarks of Karl Adam, that I cite verbatim from my 1991 paper:

Catholics today (more so than formerly) freely admit that the Church in Luther's time sorely needed reforming. The eminent German Catholic theologian Karl Adam, in his book The Roots of the Reformation (translated by Cecily Hastings, New York: Sheed & Ward, 1951 [portion of One and Holy, 1948] ), devotes nearly a third of its space to "weakness in the Church." He states that "the Renaissance Popes seem to have carried out in their own lives that cult of idolatrous humanism, demonic ambition and unrestrained sensuality" (p. 14). He quotes the words of Pope Adrian VI (1522-23), who in turn cited St. Bernard: "Vice has grown so much a matter of course that those who are stained with it are no longer aware of the stink of sin" (p. 20). He is quite frank and descriptive of other abuses:
The majority of this clerical proletariat had neither the intellectual nor the moral capacity to so much as guess the profundity of the questions raised by Luther . . . In this waste of clerical corruption it was impossible for the Spirit of our Lord to penetrate into the people . . .

There was no sacramental impulse towards an interiorizing and deepening of religion. So the attention of the faithful was directed towards externals . . . This hideous simoniacal abuse of indulgences corrupted true piety . . . indulgences were perverted to a blasphemous haggling with God. Night fell on the German Church . . . (pp. 22-26)

He lamented the loss of the Luther that might have been:
Had Martin Luther then arisen with his marvelous gifts of mind and heart, his warm penetration of the essence of Christianity, his passionate defiance or all unholiness and ungodliness, the elemental fury of his religious experience, his surging, soul-shattering power of speech, and not least that heroism in the face of death . . .- had he brought all these magnificent qualities to the removal of the abuses of the time . . . had he remained a faithful member of his Church, humble and simple, sincere and pure, then indeed we should today be his grateful debters. He would be forever our great Reformer . . . comparable to Thomas Aquinas and Francis of Assisi. He would have been the greatest saint of the German people . . .

But -- and here lies the tragedy of the Reformation . . .- he let the warring spirits drive him to overthrow not merely the abuses in the Church, but the Church Herself . . . what St. Augustine calls the greatest sin . . . he set up altar against altar and tore in pieces the one Body of Christ. (pp. 27-28)

Adam then gives his opinion of the origin of Luther's revolt:
The longer the strife continued . . . the confusion in his eyes between the abuses in the Church and the essence of the Church increased; his belief in himself and his mission deepened . . . The abuses . . . certainly unleashed Luther upon the path of revolution, and justified him in the eyes of the masses and in his own judgment. But they were not the actual ground, the decisive reason for Luther's falling away from the doctrine of the Church . . .:
[Luther]: I would have little against the Papists if they taught true doctrine. Their evil life would do no great harm.
It was not ecclesiastical abuses that made him the opponent of the Catholic Church, but the conviction that she was teaching falsely. And this conviction dates from long before the fatal 17th October, 1517. (pp. 34-35)

In the paper where this citation is now found, Was Corruption in the Medieval Papacy the Primary Cause of the Protestant Revolt?, I explore the issue of primary causes of the 16th-century schism. The actual causes, were, I think, far more complex (and interesting) than the standard popular-level explanations on both sides. Protestant historian Owen Chadwick, for example, denied that mere corruption was the main reason for the rise of Protestantism:

Was it simply that the abuses were worse? That corruption so rotted the carcass that the hollow body collapsed in the moment it was pushed? The evidence upon this point, though hard to judge, suggests not . . .

We must therefore seek other explanations than the simple theory that the Church was too bad to continue, and consider two special circumstances: the increased control of kings over their kingdoms, and the improved education of the intelligent minds of the western world.

(The Reformation [Pelican History of the Church, Volume 3], London: Penguin Books, revised version of 1972, 22, 24)

Secular historian Preserved Smith largely agrees:

That there was great depravity in the church as elsewhere cannot be doubted, but there are several reasons for thinking that it could not have been an important cause for the loss of so many of her sons. In the first place, there is no good ground for believing that the moral condition of the priesthood was worse in 1500 than it had been for a long time; indeed, there is good evidence to the contrary, that things were tending to improve, if not at Rome yet in many parts of Christendom.

. . . The Reformation, like most other revolutions, came not at the lowest ebb of abuse, but at a time when the tide had already begun to run, and to run strongly, in the direction of improvement . . . Had the forces already at work within the church been allowed to operate, probably much of the moral reform desired by the best Catholics would have been accomplished quietly without the violent rending of Christian unity that actually took place. But the fact is, that such reforms never would or could have satisfied the spirit of the age. Men were not only shocked by the abuses in the church, but they had outgrown some of her ideals . . . in certain respects they repudiated, not the abuse but the very principle on which the church acted.

(Reformation in Europe, New York: Collier Books, 1962, from the 1920 original, 27, 31-32)

One of the finest and most respected Protestant Church historians of our time, Alister McGrath, agrees with this general analysis too, in his brand-new book:
[R]ecent scholarship has moved decisively away from the earlier tendency . . . to underplay the social and economic aspects of the emergence of Protestantism in order to emphasize its religious and political elements . . . and has rightly cast doubt on any attempt to define the movement solely or chiefly in terms of the theological agendas of its leading figures. . . .

In the second place, the tidal wave of studies of local archives and private correspondence has confirmed the suspicions of an early generation of scholars - that it is unacceptable to determine the state of the pre-Reformation European church through the eyes of its leading critics, such as Luther and Calvin. It is increasingly clear that attempts to depict the late medieval church as morally and theologically corrupt, unpopular, and near-terminal decline cannot be sustained on the basis of the evidence available. As in every period, the church possessed strengths and weaknesses and sought to consolidate the former and address the latter. It is now clear that Catholic reforming movements were not a response to the criticisms of the Protestant reformers but were deeply enmeshed within the pre-Reformation church - where, paradoxically, they created an appetite for reform that laid the ground for Protestantism in some respects.

(
Christianity’s Dangerous Idea: The Protestant Revolution - A History From the Sixteenth Century to the Twenty-First, New York: HarperCollins, 2007; from Introduction, p. 8)

Thus, Owen Chadwick in 1972 and Preserved Smith way back in 1920 remarkably anticipated "recent scholarship" on the origins of Protestantism. I knew this stuff myself as early as 1991 in my studies of Catholicism and the Protestant Revolt. German historian Johannes Janssen also made the same point in his 16-volume history of Germany, in the early part of the 20th century (that I studied in 1990-1991). Both sides need to get beyond the stereotypes. Most Catholics freely accept their share of the blame.

But how many Protestants are aware of this "cutting-edge" history, described by Dr. McGrath? I suspect, far fewer than
should be . . . One must have a balanced view. Widespread corruption existed, but it was not quite as bad as Protestant partisan histories (for obvious reasons) have often made out, and it was probably not the primary -- let alone sole -- cause of the "Reformation." One need not take my word for that (the partisan Catholic apologist); one can go by folks like the Anglican scholar Alister McGrath.

Lastly, it isn't quite fair to me to characterize my response on the issue of indulgences, with one passing line ("Instead, in the response from Armstrong, we see an attempt to defend the practice of indulgences"), that implies that I have my own head in the sand. I was asked the question:
On the other hand, where is the sale of Indulgences for example, . . . anywhere a part of the apostolic tradition?
And I replied:
I recently put together a paper on indulgences, derived from my book, A Biblical Defense of Catholicism. The essence of the doctrine of indulgences is derived from explicit biblical proofs, as I contended in the book. The key notion is the power of the Church to bind and loose. "Binding" is penance, whereas "loosing" is an indulgence. Thus, when the fathers write about those issues or related ones, they are touching upon indulgences, insofar as penances are lifted.
I carefully answered the question I was asked. If my paper referenced is seriously considered, then one will see that it delves into the question of medieval abuses at some length. But it does so with an eye to shooting down common exaggerations and misconceptions (much as McGrath's analysis above, does). Catholics fully agree that abuses took place, and they were dealt with in the 16th century. I noted how "
The Council of Trent forbade the selling of indulgences." Now, if by "indulgences" one means only the corrupt practices of Luther's time that have long since been reformed, then most people (including Catholics) would agree that they were in need of reform. Everyone knows this.

Again, that is not at issue. But we did not throw the doctrine out
altogether (just as Luther was content to toss out no less than 50 Catholic doctrines when he revolted against Catholic authority). I was asked where this was "anywhere a part of the apostolic tradition" and I replied by providing the biblical rationale, which is hardly even disputable. It is rooted in the notion of "binding and loosing": a quite explicit biblical concept. Protestants want doctrines to be grounded in Holy Scripture. I provided that grounding for indulgences, but my reply was ignored.

Instead, it was "answered" with a terse near-complaint that I would actually "defend" indulgences. Of course I would; I'm a Catholic, and this is Catholic doctrine! But if questions are asked without the slightest intention of discussing the matter asked about, how can dialogue progress? "Indulgence" is not an intrinsically "bad word" like "adultery" or "greed" or "cruelty" or suchlike. It is not the case that "everyone" knows it is wrong and ridiculous, by the mere mention of the word (though lots of Protestants would love for that to be the case). It has to be discussed. If I am asked about something, I'll answer to the best of my ability. I hope my reply can at least be noticed, if not (preferably) actually interacted with.

On the other hand, as Lutherans, we should not ever affix ourselves to the mindset that the Lutheran Reformation was, is, or should be a permanent state of affairs. We do not believe that the Lutheran church should remain in exile. But the only basis for meaningful dialog is that while Lutherans should agree that the Reformation was a “tragedy,” Roman Catholics should in kind agree that the Reformation was indeed a “necessity.” If both parties can concede to that point, then there is a basis for conversation and dialog. And indeed, credible people on both sides have indeed conceded that point.

I (in line with the present pope and the previous one: both of whom are profoundly committed to ecumenism and Christian unity) have conceded as much as a Catholic can concede without ceasing to be Catholic. Obviously, if we thought that Protestantism was an essential improvement over what was before, and the Catholicism that has developed since the 16th century, then we should become Protestants ourselves. As consistent, orthodox Catholics, however, in the end, we have to deny that the "Reformation" as it proceeded, was either necessary or preferable theologically and ecclesiologically.

Some, even many aspects of it were indeed on the right track, and needed, but, as Louis Bouyer argues in his seminal work, The Spirit and Forms of Protestantism, whatever emphases Protestantism got right were already part of authentic Catholic tradition that was simply poorly understood (for a variety of reasons) in the early 16th century (more on that later, since you cite Bouyer as part of your "case").

This is where modern ecumenical dialog is at right now. One of the problems I have with the various popular books listing the sundry conversion stories of those who have found their way “home to Rome” is that they tend to reflect a most antiquated apologetics that were being employed over a century ago when both sides were hurling insults and barbs at each other, motivated by the enthusiasm and conviction that “our side represents the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, and our opponents are liars who are filled with the devil.”

Sometimes that is true. I think it is far more true of former Catholics, however, than of former Protestants. Former Catholics tend to become anti-Catholics, whereas former Protestants generally do not trash Protestantism wholesale (we do critique its doctrines, of course). I'm regularly described as a liar, deceptive, apostate, insincere, motivated by unsavory goals, etc., by anti-Catholic Protestants on the Internet (recently, for example, one person compared me to Castro and the dictators of Iran and North Korea; then called me a schizophrenic). I never reciprocate those sorts of character assassinations. I even defend some of these severe critics of mine when they are trashed by others. I have never held that Martin Luther was an essentially evil man (as I have been falsely accused of doing).

I would challenge you to produce examples of (non-fringe) Catholic converts using this kind of rhetoric. I could easily provide a dozen examples of prominent (credentialed, published, pastors) online anti-Catholic Protestant apologists trashing our motives, judging people's souls, etc. I know because I've encountered it firsthand.

For the last forty to fifty years, great Roman Catholic theologians have readily acknowledged the huge theological contributions of Luther and the theology of the Augsburg Confession to Western Christendom. And Lutherans, represented by people like Braaten are spending their careers in listening and dialoging with Rome. This is the level of discussion that needs to take place in a debate that is going to maintain integrity and respectability and an honest search for truth.

I agree.And if you and I are to participate in that ongoing task, we need to listen to and interact with each other, too. I'm motivated by an honest search for theological and spiritual truth, and I think you and Pastor Maton are, too.

Consider some of the big Roman Catholic names and what they have been saying: Around 1940, the great Roman Catholic historian, Joseph Lortz, in his writings on the Reformation described the utter worldliness of the papacy, the abuses in church practice, superstitions in piety, and the decadence of late scholasticism. On the other hand he presented Luther as a pious monk posing the ultimate question of salvation.

That is correct and all well and good. I agree. But on the other hand, you are only presenting one side of Lortz's thought (this will be a problem with other Catholics you cite, too, as I will proceed to demonstrate, with documentation). I cited Lortz in my paper on medieval corruption and causes of the split. Readers who are interested can read his analysis there. But, to summarize briefly, Lortz doesn't regard the "Reformation" as fundamentally a movement within Catholicism, because he states: "The Reformation is above all the disavowal of Catholic dogmas." He also blames both Luther and his Catholic debate opponent Eck for being saddled with corrupt Ockhamistic nominalism:

[B]oth are thinking in nominalistic terms. Luther proceeds from this way of thinking with due consistency to the denial of Catholic dogmas. Eck, proceeding from the same nominalistic thought, is unable to illuminate theologically even in a measure satisfactorily the Catholic theses to which he firmly holds . . .

Let us now summarize: at the end of the Middle Ages a dangerous lack of theological clarity existed. It was of such a kind that it was relatively easy for a theologically independent person to become a heretic . . .

See my very in-depth compilation of sources: The Influence of William of Ockham and Nominalism on Martin Luther and Early Protestant Thought. In Lortz's book, How the Reformation Came (New York: Herder & Herder, 1964, translated by Otto M. Knab), indeed he takes great pains to be as fair towards our Protestant brethren as he can be (I think, admirably so), but he does not totally excuse Luther and the Protestants from blame, by any stretch of the imagination:

Imagine . . . Luther filled with the theology of Thomas or the Roman Missal instead of Ockhamist theology, and his reformist action simply could not have happened. (p. 33)

Ockhamism was no longer fully Catholic. The missal knows nothing of an arbitrary God, It knows nothing of a cruel, forever threatening judge . . .

Ockhamism teaches an arbitrary God instead of a Father-God, a God who "without objective reason" predestines one for heaven and another for hell, who only accidentally determined one thing to be good and another evil . .

The theological consequence has logically to be a belittling of grace which in turn could but end in a misconception of the very essence of Christianity . . .

The theological consequences of such thinking, in the direction of a radical ecclesiastical democracy, and the destruction of the properly understood mediative role of the priest, of logically followed through, are incalculable.

These consequences manifested themselves in Luther in various ways . . . in the modes of perception to which Luther constantly adhered (as exemplified in his attack on reason, in his imputation theory); they showed again in his assault on conservative Church theologians in questions of the Eucharist and the Mass.

(pp. 55-58)

Carl Braaten writes: “Against the nominalistic theology and indulgence piety of late medievalism, Luther placed his theology of the cross, his absolute trust in God’s grace, not in his own works; his reliance upon the Scriptures, not upon the opinions of the schoolmen, and his protest against superstition in low places and corruption in high places. Lortz said, the Roman Catholic Church must definitely be on the side of Luther.” [emphasis mine]

(Braaten, Mother Church p. 14-15)

But if we are to believe Joseph Lortz, whom you just cited, and whom Braaten cites, Luther, too, was adversely affected by corrupt nominalistic thought, so it is by no means agreed that he entirely opposed it. On the same page 14, Braaten also wrote: "Luther could now be interpreted in light of the conditions which produced him." As we saw above, Lortz regards Ockhamistic nominalism as a key influence on Luther. He was by no means alone. Luther biographer Roland Bainton agrees with this appraisal:

In the Protestant camp Luther's view was Occamism grown religiously vital. Faith was pitted even more violently against "the harlot reason," but faith was mightily sure of itself. Melanchthon and Zwingli, while toning down Luther, still held to the essential irrationality of faith.

(Studies on the Reformation, Boston: Beacon Press, 1963, 131)

So does Alister McGrath:

Luther's own theological development . . . can only be properly evaluated in light of the theological currents prevalent in the later Middle Ages. The tendency to regard the study of the theology of the later medieval period as serving as little more than a prologue to that of the Reformation has recently been reversed, with increasing emphasis being placed upon the importance of the later medieval period as a field of study in its own right. As a consequence, we . . . are thus in a favourable position to attempt an informed evaluation of Luther's initial relationship to this theology, and also the nature of his subsequent break with it.

Luther was not a man without beginnings, a mysterious and lonely figure of destiny who arrived at Wittenberg already in possession of the vera theologia which would take the church by storm, and usher in a new era in its history. Although it is tempting to believe that Luther suffered a devastating moment of illumination, in which he suddenly became conscious of the vera theologia and of his own divine mission to reform the church on its basis, all the evidence which we possess points to Luther's theological insights arising over a prolonged period at Wittenberg, under the influence of three main currents of thought: humanism, the 'nominalism' of the via moderna, and the theology of his own Augustinian Order . . .

. . . between 1509 and early 1514, Luther's theology in general, and his theology of justification in particular, was typical of the later medieval period. This suggestion is not, of course, new. In his celebrated critique of the reformer, Heinrich Denifle argued that Luther's rejection of catholic theology was ultimately a reflection upon the particular type of 'catholic' theology with which Luther was familiar. For Denifle, Luther was only familiar with the 'unsound' theology of the later medieval period, such as that of Gabriel Biel, and not with the catholic theology of St Thomas Aquinas or Bonaventure. Perhaps surprisingly, modern Luther scholarship has tended to endorse Denifle's judgment: whereas Luther frequently demonstrates first-hand knowledge of the writings of the leading theologians of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, such as Pierre d'Ailly and Gabriel Biel, such knowledge is conspicuously absent in the case of earlier medieval theologians, such as St Thomas Aquinas. It must, of course, be pointed out that this is precisely what is to be expected, if Luther was educated within the via moderna, characterised by its logico-critical attitudes and an epistemological nominalism: the great theologians of the thirteenth century belonged to the via antiqua, characterised by an epistemological realism, from which Luther would have been taught to distance himself by his mentors at Erfurt . . .

Luther began his theological career at Wittenberg in 1512 steeped in both the methods and the presuppositions of late medieval theology . . . It must therefore be regarded as methodologically unacceptable to attempt to study Luther's theological development in isolation from, or with purely incidental reference to, this context . . .

. . . if Luther's difficulty [over justification] represented a problem which had been adequately discussed within the earlier western theological tradition, it remains to be explained why Luther appears to have been quite unaware if the established solutions to this problem. The answer given to this objection is substantially the same as that given to the charge of Heinrich Denifle -- that Luther had misrepresented the western theological tradition as a whole. According to Denifle, not a single writer in the western church, from Ambrosiaster to the time of Luther himself, understood iustitia Dei in the sense which Luther noted. Both objections are based upon the assumption that Luther was familiar with the earlier western theological tradition -- which, as we have emphasised earlier, appears not to have been the case. Luther is only familiar with the theology of the moderni, such as William of Ockham, Pierre d'Ailly and Gabriel Biel at first hand, and shows little familiarity with other theologians. Indeed, where such familiarity can be demonstrated, there are usually grounds for suspecting that he has encountered them indirectly, at second hand.

(Luther's Theology of the Cross, Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1985, 25, 72-73, 103-104)

So does Louis Bouyer:

All the 'heresies' Protestantism may have fostered, far from being its creations . . . appear already to be taking shape in the nominalist thinkers before the Reformation. Whether we take the theory of extrinsic justification, or the completely subjectivist view of faith . . . or a conception of the Word of God that . . . opposes it to any ecclesiastical institution and makes it incomprehensible, and even incapable of formulation -- none of this is a Protestant innovation . . .

In such a system, God is only God in so far as he is beyond the true and the false, good and evil. Truth, falsehood, good, evil, are no more than hypotheses he has actually adopted; there is no reason why he should not have taken them in the contrary sense . . .

Our conclusion from this chapter is that the negative, 'heretical' aspect of the Reformation neither follows from its positive principles, nor is it a necessary consequence of their development or vindication, but appears simply as a survival, within Protestantism, of what was most vitiated and corrupt in the Catholic thought of the close of the Middle Ages . . .

This latter point, the utter corruption of Christian thought in nominalist theology, quite uncritically retained and applied by all the 'orthodox' Protestant thinkers, should by now be thoroughly clear.

(
The Spirit and Forms of Protestantism, translated by A.V. Littledale, Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1955, 161-164)
Catholic theology did not teach Pelagianism (needless to say), nor did it denigrate Scripture, as if "the schoolmen" were placed higher than Holy Writ.

Dr. Braaten seems to be expressing (surporisingly, given his profound ecumenism) at least some aspects of the populist historical myths about late medieval Catholicism (things noted and decried by no less than Alister McGrath). Many Protestant scholars would disagree that the Catholic Church denigrated Scripture, over against the Bible-soaked early Protestants:

There was never a time in the history of the western Church during the 'Dark' or 'Middle' Ages when the Scriptures were officially demoted. On the contrary, they were considered infallible and inerrant, and were held in the highest honour.

(Peter Toon,
Protestants and Catholics, Ann Arbor, MI: Servant Books, 1983, 39)

The view expressed by Augustine was the view the Roman Catholic Church believed, taught, and propagated through the centuries . . . It can be said that the Roman church for more than a thousand years accepted the doctrine of infallibility of all Scripture . . . The church has always (via Fathers, theologians, and popes) taught biblical inerrancy . . . The Roman church held to a view of Scripture that was no different from that held by the Reformers.

(
The Battle For the Bible, Harold Lindsell, former editor of Christianity Today, Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1976, 54-56; after quoting 19 eminent Church fathers to the effect that Scripture is infallible and held in the highest regard)
For more on this theme, see my papers:

Was the Catholic Church an Avowed Enemy of Scripture in the Middle Ages (or at any other time)?

The Catholic Church Has Always Been the Enemy of the Bible (???)

You cite Louis Bouyer (quite selectively) in your favor below. Here is what he writes about medieval Catholic love for the Bible:
In the same way that Popes, Councils, theologians, always resorted to the scriptural argument as the really fundamental one, the practice of the great spiritual writers of every epoch attests the fully traditional character of a devotion based on the Bible . . . The same is true of the great teachers of the Middle Ages . . . Not only did they know the Bible and make abundant use of it, but they moved in it as in a spiritual world that formed the habitual universe of all their thoughts and sentiments. For them, it was not simply one source among others, but the source par excellence, in a sense the only one . . .

What in fact was for so many monks the most important of their religious practices, the one which virtually contained all the others? It was what the Benedictine rule, which only codified in this the practice of the sixth century, called the 'lectio divina.' This 'lectio,'. . . was nourished exclusively on the Bible . . .

Not only with the approval of the hierarchy but by the positive and emphatic insistence of the Pope himself, there has come about a general return to the close study of Scripture, which has been restored, not only as the base, but as the source, of all teaching of theology.

(Bouyer, ibid., 133-134)

In a review of the book by Carl Braaten that you cite above, by Michael Kinnamon (Christian Century, Feb. 3, 1999), the writer states:

Braaten encourages Lutherans (and other Protestants) to recognize that the reunited church of the future should include both bishops in apostolic succession and the papacy. These offices, he argues, can give visible expression to unity and serve as signs of continuity in the faith. Not all Lutherans will be pleased with this conclusion.

These were hardly characteristic traits of early Lutheranism (nor of LCMS). They specifically sent the bishops packing, by stealing their churches and monasteries, and opting for princes to rule the Church instead. The pope was regarded as anti-Christ (as both you and Pastor Maton have reiterated in your responses). Popes and bishops alike were subjected to vulgar woodcuts; some depicted bishops being hanged and their tongues torn out. Apostolic succession, as previously known from the beginning of the Church, was ditched.

Braaten includes other Catholic voices. I list them briefly:

Johannes Hessen – “the message of the Reformation must still be heard today.”

I know nothing of him, and so will pass.

Karl Adam – “all who are serious about ecumenical dialog must go back to Luther himself. The gulf can be bridged only after we retrace our steps and gain a real understanding on where both sides went wrong. [emphasis mine]

Yes, absolutely. That's true. Each side must 1) understand the other, 2) know the basic historical facts, as ascertained by historiographical consensus across party lines, 3) admit wrongs where necessary, and 4) exhibit a spirit of hopeful good will. But as we saw above. Adam rejects what Luther's "solution" was, by writing (after acknowledging Luther's many praiseworthy qualities):
But -- and here lies the tragedy of the Reformation . . .-- he let the warring spirits drive him to overthrow not merely the abuses in the Church, but the Church Herself . . . what St. Augustine calls the greatest sin . . . he set up altar against altar and tore in pieces the one Body of Christ. . . . The longer the strife continued . . . the confusion in his eyes between the abuses in the Church and the essence of the Church increased; . . . It was not ecclesiastical abuses that made him the opponent of the Catholic Church, but the conviction that she was teaching falsely. And this conviction dates from long before the fatal 17th October, 1517.

Yves Congar – “Luther must be seen in one long line of Reformers in the Church.”

Braaten continues: “According to Congar, Luther addressed a question that the church at that time was in no position to answer, and which it still has never answered in a serious way. Certainly excommunication was no answer to the kind of legitimate questions Luther was asking. Certainly the Council of Trent’s response was not to Luther’s basic intention and meaning, but only to some of the extreme inferences that his disciples drew from his teachings. (emphasis added)

I'd have to see the context of these remarks to comment further. There is a sense in which Luther was in a long line of reformers. Adam acknowledges that, but he condemns the radical solution of schism that Luther adopted. According to Adam, the theological differences didn't simply come about in the heat of battle, but were present before Luther nailed the 95 theses to the church door in Wittenberg. Many Protestant try to deny this, but I think the facts contradict them. One can study, for example, Luther's early commentaries on Romans and Galatians, and see his Protestant theology developing clearly.

Father Louis Bouyer even more emphatically than any of the others, proposed the thesis that the positive principles of the Reformation were not an attack upon Catholic faith and doctrine but were truly at home in the Catholic Church. (emphasis added).

That's right. But in his book,
The Spirit and Forms of Protestantism (translated by A.V. Littledale, Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1955), -- I read it in 1990 and was profoundly influenced by it --, Bouyer devotes 17 pages to a chapter entitled "The Positive Principles of the Reformation." In the middle chapters he mostly shows how these positive principles are reiterations of previous Catholic tradition and dogmatic theology. But from pages 136 to 177 he writes about "The Negative Elements of the Reformation" and "The Decay of the Positive Principles of the Reformation." Braaten mentions this other aspect:

Bouyer saw the Reformation as particularly tragic because, to the extent that the Protestants drew false and heretical inferences from those positive principles, the Catholics were driven to oppose the principles, and thereby, lost much of the good with the bad.

(Mother Church, 16)
Here is a sampling of Bouyer's thought:
[T]he Lutheran sola gratia . . . this assertion . . . is a genuinely Christian one, and fully in accord, of course, with Catholic tradition properly understood . . . Luther's basic intuition, on which Protestantism continuously draws for its abiding vitality, so far from being hard to reconcile with Catholic tradition, or inconsistent with the teaching of the Apostles, was a return to the clearest elements of their teaching, and is in the most direct line of that tradition . . .

. . . . by the very logic of its nature, it should have initiated in the Church itself a powerful movement of regeneration . . . Unfortunately, that is not what happened, though the blame, in any case, does not lie exclusively with the basic principle of the Reformation. Considered in itself, and in the natural course of its development, it does not lead to division and error. These are only the accidental results of the Reformation . . . the schisms and heresies of the sixteenth century resulted, not from its initial impulse, but from external and adventitious factors which disturbed its development.

. . . the negative, 'heretical' aspect of the Reformation neither follows from its positive principles, nor is it a necessary consequence of their development or vindication, but appears simply as a survival, within Protestantism, of what was most vitiated and corrupt in the Catholic thought of the close of the Middle Ages . . . What the Reformation took over from the Middle Ages was just what it should have criticised and rejected; in fact it led the positive principles the Reformers had brought to light to assume a negative and polemical aspect . . .

(pp. 43-44, 164, 166)
Does Bouyer give the Protestants a pass in terms of responsibility and blame for schism? Hardly. Let's observe some more of his words:
[H]ow could a movement, starting from such principles, create a schism, turn aside form the Catholic tradition, set up over against the Church a multiplicity of 'Churches', very often as hostile to one another as to Catholicism? . . . to set up a Christianity disrupted from tradition, and to injure and attack of set purpose the Church it had wished to renew?

. . . with these [positive] principles were associated others that the Church could not accept . . .

(pp. 136-137)
Bouyer notes, for example, the radical dichotomy involved in sola Scriptura:
[W]e notice, at the very outset of Protestantism, the tendency to equate it [supreme authority of Scripture] with an absolute denial of the authority of the Church, whether manifested in tradition or in particular decisions of her magisterium.

(p. 141)
He makes a host of scathing criticisms of Protestantism throughout the book:
In point of fact, the Reformers, though desirous of accentuating the divine, transcendent, aspect of Christianity, promoted more than anyone else the development of humanism and, in particular, the religious individualism of modern times. (p. 97)

Three different possibilities were open to Protestant organisations, once the rupture with the Church of tradition was accomplished. Either, as with the Anabaptists at first, or later with the Quakers, the rejection of all visible authority, resulting in an absolute, anarchical individualism; or else, as in the Lutheran reaction, the handing over to the civil authority of the organisation and direction of the Church; or, as in Calvinism and the sects following and opposed to it, the artificial construction of a new Church, created in all its elements by the genius (or fantasy) of an individual . . . In the three cases, the result was the same; in the place of divine authority in the Church Protestantism set up purely human ones, with the inevitable consequence of an enslavement of man to man, stifling the idea of personal religion and Christian liberty. (p. 212)

The final result is that the Protestant who seeks, in his Church, food for his faith finds it only in the form of a total subjection to all the peculiarities, the momentary idiosyncrasies, of his minister's personal devotion. (p. 216)

From the moment of their creation, the Protestant Churches were merely the works of man. In so far as they manage to attain any authority at all, it is always the authority of a man, either of a founder or organiser or of a simple minister, and, if that fails, they break up into fragments, to the sole profit of the authority of each individual, his private views, tendencies or experiences. (p. 218)
Many more similar quotes from Bouyer can be found throughout my paper: Protestantism: Developmental and Conceptual Errors.

I probably should include an obscure name like (then) Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger who nearly 50 years ago reflected the same spirit as some of these other voices. He wrote these words:

“There is no appropriate category in Catholic thought for the phenomenon of Protestantism today (one could say the same of the separated churches of the East). It is obvious that the old category of “heresy” is no longer of any value. Heresy, for Scripture and the early church, includes the idea of a personal decision against the early church, and heresy’s characteristic is pertinacia, the obstinacy of the one who persists in his or her own private way. This, however, cannot be regarded as an appropriate description of the Protestant Christian. In the course of a now centuries old history, Protestantism has made an important contribution to the realization of Christian faith, fulfilling a positive development of the Christian message, and above all, often giving rise to a sincere and profound faith in the individual non-Catholic Christian.”

(
Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger, The Meaning of the Christian Brotherhood, (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1993), pp. 87-88)
One only wonders whether Pope Benedict still maintains these sentiments and whether he realizes that Luther resisted the errors of his day as a loyal son of the Church.

Yes, of course he does. This is standard Vatican II ecumenism. Pope Benedict XVI is no different from Pope John Paul II. They are both eminently men of that council, and committed ecumenists. I'm very fond of it also. I have cited Pope Benedict, for example, saying that the Tridentine anathemas do not apply to present-day Protestants in many cases.

This is a small sampling of Roman Catholic theologians and leaders who are interested in digging into the deeper heart of the Reformation. I believe this presents a spirit of honesty and integrity in a debate that has been and should be held in earnest.

I'm all in favor of open and honest and congenial discussion. I think even heartfelt differences can be discussed in such a manner, and constructively so. I hope and pray that I am doing that right now. Honest discussion doesn't sweep things under the rug simply because they are controversial. If we all truly respect each other as brothers and sisters in Christ (and especially in the context of warm personal friendship), we ought to be able to frankly discuss any theological topic, and to be able to take criticism without becoming angry, defensive, or insecure.

However, there is a tendency in the contemporary conversion books where Protestants of different stripes talk about “coming home” to present Lutheranism in the worst possible light while they present their own position in the best. One is certainly free to do this, of course, but it does not lead to honest and balanced discussion which leads to truth.

I think that tendency can be there, yes, in any kind of conversion story. It is human nature, unfortunately, to exaggerate the deficiencies of the belief-system we have left and to build up the positive attributes of our newfound belief. I do my best to be as fair as I can to both Lutherans and Martin Luther (and have defended Luther against some common misconceptions, many times; also John Calvin). This is precisely why I seek to dialogue with passionate proponents of other Christian traditions, so that I can hear their case, rather than a second-hand, biased presentation from a critic. And so I gratefully thank you and Pastor Maton again for this wonderful opportunity to dialogue and better understand and appreciate each other.

It has this aire of “win the argument at any cost.” The example that David uses was Luther’s letter to Hans Wurst. This was a prime example of using a highly eclectic method of selecting quotes that represent a one sided view of what Luther actually said and seemingly avoiding what he said in context. (Pastor Maton will address this in his contribution to the dialog)

And I replied to Pastor Maton on this point. But I deny that I am guilty of selective presentation. I found difficulties in Luther's position on ecclesiology. I admitted plainly that I saw two different strains in his thought. Pastor Maton elaborated upon the more positive strain, for which I am grateful. I continue, however, to find it contradictory to some extent. But whatever Luther's and Lutherans' position on the Church, it remains true in any event, that they have redefined the Church, by the criterion of previous Catholic tradition. They have rejected Church authority, by denying that popes and councils can be infallible. This has to be defended from the Bible and authentic apostolic tradition, not just based on corruption in the 16th century. Moreover, Lutherans claim to be the theological descendants of the Church fathers. But this is quite difficult to prove in many areas. It's easy to make the assertion; far more difficult to prove it with hard facts of patristic utterances. That is where any discussion of "development from the fathers" must eventually go.

The point of this opening set of remarks is to simply point out that Lutherans who are in earnest join readily with Roman Catholics who are doing the same in appreciating deeply each other’s raison de tre if you will. In so doing, the most sublime discussions are being conducted at a level of looking most favorably towards the very obvious progress that is being made by theologians in both camps.

I have no problem with that at all. In fact, I think I was very much along this line of thought in the latter part of my previous response, where I sought common ground in the area of the Eucharist and sacrifice of the mass.

The position of “we are the one true church on earth and all other communions are wrong” is just not helpful to this progress. I’m sure that our opponents are going to point out that this is exactly what Pope Benedict said this past summer. But again, Lutherans view themselves as catholic in the very best sense.

Well, then, we ought to agree that if there truly is one true Church (the catholic or Catholic Church), and Lutherans and Catholics both claim to be the best embodiment of that Church, then it is not arrogant for someone to simply have an ecclesiology whereby there is one Church and one Church only. That's part of honest, open discussion. We all have to decide the nature of said Church and where it can be found in a concrete, historical, institutional sense. We Catholics don't speak in terms of "all other communions are wrong." We speak in terms of "we rejoice in truth wherever it is found, and it can be found in great quantity in Protestantism, Orthodoxy, and also in non-Christian religions."

This latter point gets back to the original point in our first letter. Luther nor his opponents would have recognized Johnny’s question. This was not addressed in Dave Armstrong’s response. To repeat, the both parties saw total continuity with the Apostolic and Patristic periods. There was no “protestant consciousness” of breaking away from, or concluding that Rome was a false church.

Well, there wasn't at first, but it soon (sadly) developed. I agree with Louis Bouyer's and Karl Adam's and Joseph Lortz's analyses. Moreover, much of Lutheranism today (as you must know) is plagued by a denominationalism that has not the slightest desire to ever unite with Rome.

Now to David’s point of recalling Luther stating in the Smalcald Articles that “we do not concede to them that they are the Church, and frankly, they are not the Church.” When one looks in context, the emphasis is in the wrong place. It is not upon the noun, but upon the pronoun. It is not on the “Church” but upon the “they!” And the “they” in question is the papacy.

Looking over the section of the Smalcald Articles in question, and the context, I don't see how you deduce that Luther is talking about the papacy. In trying to determine by prior paragraphs to whom he is referring as "they", I couldn't find direct mention of the papacy. What is mentioned (in X, 1-2) is "bishops" so that Luther's "they" afterwards seems to refer to them.

So if bishops aren't essential to the Church (and we know that Luther got rid of them: which even Melanchthon later bitterly regretted; and you have none in the LCMS, unless I am mistaken), why does Carl Braaten think that they are, along with apostolic succession, and even the papacy? If he is advocating a true Lutheran catholicism or Catholic Lutheranism, and those things are part and parcel to it, then obviously Luther forsook them early on, and half of my point about his rejecting the traditional doctrine of the Church is established