PART TWO (see Part One)
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36 [ . . . ] Luther s Embarrassment on the Bigamy becoming Public. At the commencement of June, 1540, Luther was in great distress on account of the Hessian bigamy. His embarrassment and excitement increased as the tidings flew far and wide, particularly when the Court of Dresden and his own Elector began to take fright at the scandal, and the danger of complications arising with the Emperor. On the other hand, Luther was not unaware of the Landgrave's doubts as to whether he would stand by his written declaration. Jonas wrote from Wittenberg on June 10 to George of Anhalt : " Philip is much upset and Dr. Martin full of thought." 1 On that very day Bruck, the Electoral Chancellor, dis- cussed the matter with both of them at Wittenberg. He acquainted them with his sovereign's fears. They had gone too far, and the publication of the affair had had the most disastrous results ; a young Princess and Landgravine had appeared on the scene, which was not at all what the Elector had expected ; the Court of Dresden was loud in its com- plaints and spared not even the Elector ; the Dresden 1 " Briefwechsel des Jonas," 1, p. 394. 37 people were bringing forward against Luther what he had taught in favour of polygamy thirteen years before ; the door had now been opened wide to polygamists. Not long after Luther wrote, that, were it necessary, he would know how to " extricate himself." 1 Even before dropping this curious remark he had shown himself very anxious to make his position secure. It was with this object in view, that, after his interview with Briick, probably on the same day, he proceeded to explain the case to his sovereign in the lengthy letter 2 in which he appeals to Confession and its secrecy. " Before the world and against the laws of the Empire it cannot be defended," but " we were desirous of glossing it over before God as much as possible with examples, such as that of Abraham, etc. All this was done and treated of as in Confession, so that we cannot be charged as though we had done it willingly and gladly, or with joy and pleasure. ... I took into consideration the unavoidable necessity and weakness, and the danger to his conscience which Master Bucer had set forth." Luther goes on to complain, that the Landgrave, by allowing this " matter of Confession " and " advice given in Confession " to become to a certain extent public, had caused all this " annoy- ance and contumely." He relates in detail what Bucer, when seeking to obtain the Wittenberg sanction, had recounted con- cerning his master's immorality, so contrary to the Evangel, " though he should be one of the mainstays of the party." They had at first looked askance at the idea, but, on being told that " he was unable to relinquish it, and, should we not permit it, would do it in spite of us, and obtain permission from the Emperor or the Pope unless we were beforehand, we humbly begged His Serene Highness, if he was really set on it, and, as he declared, could not in conscience and before God do otherwise, that he would at least keep it secret." This had been promised them [by Bucer] ; their intention had been to " save his con- science as best we might." . . . " Even to-day, were such a case to come before me again, I should not know how to give any other advice than what I then gave, nor would it trouble me should it afterwards become known." " I am not ashamed of the testimony even 1 " Briefwechsel," 13, p. 79. 2 Ed. by Seidemann, " Lauterbachs Tagebuch," p. 196 ff., with the notice, " Written in April or June, 1540." Rockwell gives the date more correctly, as, probably, June 10 (pp. 138, 364). 38 should it come before the world, though, to be spared trouble, I should prefer it to be kept secret so long as possible." Still, no angel would have induced him to give such advice " had he known that the Landgrave had long satisfied and could still satisfy his cravings on others, for instance, as I now learn, on lady von Essweg." This lady was perhaps a relative of Rudolf Schenk, Landvogt of Eschwege on the Werra. 1 We may recall, that the proposal of taking a " concubine " in place of the too numerous " light women " had been made to Philip by his sister. 2 Luther goes on to excuse his conduct still further to the Elector : " Still less would I have advised a public marriage " ; that the second wife was to become a Princess or Landgravine a plan at which the whole Empire would take offence had been kept from him altogether ; " what I expected was, that, since he was obliged owing to the weakness of the flesh to follow the ordinary course of sin and shame, he would perhaps keep an honest girl in some house, and wed her secretly though even this would look ill in the sight of the world and thus overcome his great trouble of conscience ; he could then ride backwards and forwards, as the great lords do frequently enough ; similar advice I gave also to certain parish priests under Duke George and the bishops, viz. that they should marry their cook secretly." Though what he here says may be worthy of credence, yet to apply the term Confession to what passed between Philip and Wittenberg is surely to introduce an alien element into the affair. Yet he does use the word three times in the course of the letter and seemingly lays great stress on it. The Confession, he says, covered all that had passed, and, because it " was seemly " to " keep matters treated of in Confession private " he and Melanchthon " preferred not to relate the matter and the counsel 1 Cp. " Brief wechsel," 13, p. 82, n. 4, the remark of G. Kawerau. " The regret felt by Luther was caused by the knowledge that the Landgrave had already a concubine of his own and had not been satisfying his lusts merely on common prostitutes ; had he known this at the time he gave his advice he would certainly have counselled the Landgrave to contract a sort of spiritual marriage with this concu- bine." Kostlin had seen a difficulty in Luther s later statement, that he would not have given his counsel (the advice tendered did not specify the lady) had he known that the Landgrave had " long satisfied, and could still satisfy, his craving on others," etc. That there is really a difficulty involved, at least in Luther's use of the plural " others," seems clear unless, indeed, Kawerau would make Luther counsel the Landgrave to contract " spiritual marriage " with all these several ladies. ; Elsewhere Luther describes as a " harlot " a certain Catharine whom Kawerau (ibid.) surmises to have been this same Essweg. By her Philip had a daughter named Ursula whom, in 1556, he gave in marriage to Glaus Ferber. 2 " Philipps Brief wechsel," 1, p. 160. The Landgrave to Bucer. He was to tell his sister " that she must surely recollect having told him that he should keep a concubine instead of having recourse to numerous prostitutes ; if she was willing to allow what was contrary to God s law, why not allow this, which is a dispensation of God ? " 39 given in Confession " to the Elector ; but, since the Landgrave " had revealed the substance of the Confession and the advice," it was easier for him to speak. Hence he would now reveal the " advice given in Confession ; though I should much have pre- ferred to keep it secret, unless -necessity had forced it from me, now I am unable to do so." The fact is, however, that the real Seal of Confession (and of this Luther was quite aware) does not allow the confessor who has received the Confession to make any communication or disclosure concerning it ; even should the penitent make statements concerning other matters which occurred in the Confession, under no circumstances whatsoever, however serious these may be, not even in the case of danger to life and limb, may " necessity " " force out " anything. Although in this case Luther had not heard a Confession at all, yet he refers to the Secret of the Confessional with which he was acquainted from his Catholic days, and his own former exercise of it : "I have received in Confession many confidences, both in Popery and since, and given advice, but were there any question of making them public I should be obliged to say no. . . . Such matters are no business of the secular courts nor ought they to be made public." This uncalled-for introduction of Confession was intended to save him from being obliged to admit his consent publicly ; it was meant to reassure so weak a theologian as the Elector, who dreaded the scandal arising from Luther's advice to commit bigamy, and the discussion of the case before the Imperial Court of Justice ; possibly he also hoped it would serve against that other princely theologian, viz. the Landgrave, and cause him to withdraw his demand for a public acknowledgment of the sanction given. His tactics here remind us of Luther's later denial, when he professed himself ready simply to deny the bigamy and his share in it because everything had been merely a matter of Confession. Even in this first letter dealing with the question, he is clearly on the look-out for a loophole by which he may escape from the calamitous business. The publication of the " testimony " was to be prevented at all costs. But, as a matter of fact, not only did the " Seal of Confession " present no obstacle, but even the common secrecy referred to above (p. 31) was no longer binding. This had been cancelled by the indiscretion of the Landgrave. Moreover, apart from this, the natural obligation of secrecy did not extend to certain extreme cases which might have been foreseen by both parties and in the 40 event of which both would recover their freedom. It should be noted, that Luther hardly made any appeal to this natural obligation of secrecy, probably because it could not be turned to account so easily. The Seal of Confession promised to serve him better in circles so little acquainted with theology. In the second letter dealing with the bigamy, dated June 27, 1540, and addressed to Philip's intimate, Eberhard von der Thann, Luther speaks with an eye on Hesse. 1 Thann, through Chancellor Briick, had informed him of what was being said of him there, and had asked what Luther would advise the Hessian Prince, and whether, in order to obviate other cases of polygamy in Hesse, it would be advisable for the authorities to issue an edict against the universal lawfulness of having several wives. Luther replied, that he agreed with the Landgrave's intention as announced by Thann concerning his second marriage, viz. to wait until the Emperor " should approach His Serene Highness on the subject " ; and then to write to the Emperor : " That he had taken a concubine but that he would be perfectly ready to put her away again if other Princes and Lords would set a good example." If the Emperor were compelled " to regard the lady as a concubine," " no one else would dare to speak or think differently " ; in this wise the real state of things would be " covered over and kept secret." On the other hand, it would not be at all advisable to issue any edict, or to speak of the matter," for then " there would be no end or limit to gossip and suspicions." " And I for my part am determined [here he comes to his testimony and the meaning he now put on it] to keep silence concerning my part of the confession which I heard from His Serene Highness through Bucer, even should I suffer for it, for it is better that people should say that Dr. Martin acted foolishly in his concession to the Landgrave for even great men have acted foolishly and do so, even now, as the saying goes : A wise man makes no small mistakes rather than reveal the reasons why we secretly consented ; for that would greatly disgrace and damage the reputation of the Landgrave, and would also make matters worse." To the Elector his sovereign Luther had said that, even to-day, he " would not be able to give any different 1 " Luthers Briefe," ed. De Wette, 6, p. 267 f., and, better, in Rockwell, p. 165, after the original. 41 advice " and that he saw no reason to blush for it. Hence it is hard to believe that he seriously contemplated admitting that he had been guilty of an act of " folly " and had " acted foolishly." It will be shown more clearly below what his object was in threatening such a repudiation of his advice to the Landgrave. In his letter to Thann, Luther decides in favour of the ex- pedient suggested by the Hessian theologians, viz. of the amphi- bological use of the word concubine ; here it should, however, be noted, that this term, if used officially to counteract the common report concerning the new marriage, plainly implied a denial of the reality of the bigamy. But how if the Landgrave were directly confronted in a Court of Justice with the question : Have you, or have you not, married two wives ? Here belongs the third letter of Luther's which we have on the subject and which was despatched to Hesse before the middle of July. It is addressed to " a Hessian Councillor " who has been identified, with some probability, as the Hessian Chancellor Johann Feige. 1 To the addressee, who was acquainted with the whole matter and had applied to Luther for his opinion on behalf of the Landgrave, the writer defines his own position still more clearly ; if people say openly that the Landgrave has contracted a second marriage, all one need answer is, that this is not true, although it is true that he has contracted a secret union ; hence he himself was wont to say, " the Landgrave's other marriage is all nonsense." The justification of this he finds in the theory of the secrecy of confession upon which he insists strongly in this letter. Not only is his own share in the matter nil because ostensibly done in confession, but the marriage itself is merely a sort of " con- fession marriage," a thing concealed and therefore non-existent so far as the world is concerned. " A secret affirmative cannot become a public affirmative ... a secret yes remains a public no and vice versa. . . . On this I take my stand ; I say that the Landgrave's second marriage is nil and cannot be convincing to anyone. For, as they say, palam, it is not true, and although it may be true clam, yet that they may not tell." [ . . . ] 1 " Briefe," 6, p. 263 scq. For the address see Rockwell, ibid., p. 166, where the date is fixed between July 7 and 15, 1540. 42 [ . . . ] He thereby absolves himself from the consequence apparently involved in the step he had taken, viz. the introduction of polygamy as a " general right " ; it does not follow that : " What you do from necessity, I have a right to do " ; " neces- sity knows no law or precedent," hence a man who is driven by hunger to steal bread, or who kills in self-defence is not punished, yet what thus holds in cases of necessity cannot be taken as a law or rule. On the other hand, Luther will not listen to the proposal then being made in Hesse, viz. that, in order to counter act the bad example, a special edict should be issued declaring polygamy unlawful as a general rule, but allowable in an ex- ceptional case, on the strength " of secret advice given in Con- fession " ; on the contrary, it would be far better simply to denounce polygamy as unlawful. Hence if the Landgrave, so Luther concludes, " will not forsake the sweetheart " on whom " he has so set his heart that she has become a need to him," and if, moreover, he will " keep her out of the way," then " we theologians and confessors shall vindicate it before God, as a case of neces- sity to be excused by the examples of Genesis. But defend it before the world and hire nunc regente? that we cannot and shall not do. Short of this the Landgrave may count upon our best service." [ . . . ] 43 [ . . . ] Luther s Private Utterances Regarding the Bigamy. The Table-Talk, dating from the height of the hubbub caused by the bigamy, affords us a vivid psychological picture of Luther. Of this Table-Talk we have the detailed and authentic notes from the pen of Johann Mathesius, who was present. These notes, in their best form, became known only in 1903, [ . . . ] 44 thanks to Kroker's edition, but, for the better understand- ing of Luther's personality, his intimate descriptions of what was passing in his mind are of inestimable value. Conjointly with the principal passage, which probably dates from June 18, 1540, other sayings dropped regarding the same matter may be considered. 1 The scene in the main was as follows : The usual guests, among them the disciples with their note-books, were assembled after the evening meal in Luther's house, grouped around the master, who seemed sunk in thought ; Melanchthon, however, was missing, for he lay seriously ill at Weimar, overwhelmed by anxiety now that his consent to the bigamy was leaking out. Whilst yet at table two letters were handed to Luther, the first from Briick, the Electoral Chancellor, the second from the Elector himself. Both referred to Melanchthon. The Elector requested Luther to betake himself as soon as possible to Weimar to his friend, who seemed in danger of death, and informed him at the same time of the measures threatened by the Landgrave in the matter of the second marriage. Luther, after glancing at Briick's missive concerning Melanch thon, said to the guests : " Philip is pining away for vexation, and has fallen into a fever ( tertiana ). But why does the good fellow crucify himself so about this business ? All his anxiety will do no good. I do wish I were with him ! I know how sensitive he is. The scandal pains him beyond measure. I, on the other hand, have a thick skin, I am a peasant, a hard Saxon when such x are concerned. 2 I expect I shall be summoned to Philip." Someone thereupon interjected the remark : " Doctor, perhaps the Colloquium [which was to be held at Hagenau] will not now take place " ; Luther replied : " They will certainly have to wait for us. . . ." A second messenger now came in with the Elector's letter, conveying the expected summons to proceed to Weimar. On the reader the news it contained concerning the Landgrave fell like the blows of a sledge-hammer. After attentively perusing the letter " with an earnest mien," he said : " Philip the Land- grave is cracked ; he is now asking the Emperor to let him keep both wives." [ . . . ] 1 The chief passage will be found in Kroker (Mathesius, " Tisch- reden," p. 156 f.) more correctly than in Loesche (Mathesius, " Aufzeich- nungen," p. 117 ff.). It is headed " DC Macedonico negotio," because in Luther s circle Philip of Hesse was known as the " Macedonian." Where no other reference is given our quotations are taken from this passage. 2 On the sign, see present work, vol. iii., p. 231. 45 When Luther re-entered, so the narrator continues, " he was as cheerful as could be, and he said to us : It is grand having something to do, for then we get ideas ; otherwise we do nothing but feed and swill. How our Papists will scream ! But let them howl to their own destruction. Our cause is a good one and no fault is to be found with our way of life, or rather [he corrects himself] with the life of those who take it seriously. If the Hessian Landgrave has sinned, then that is sin and a scandal. That we have frequently discounselled by good and holy advice ; they have seen our innocence and yet refuse to see it. Hence they [the Papists] are now forced to look the Hessian " in anum " 3 (i.e. are witnesses of his shame). But they will be brought to destruction by [our] scandals because they refuse to listen to the pure doctrine ; for God will not on this account forsake us or His Word, or spare them, even though we have our share of sin, for He has resolved to overthrow the Papacy. That has been decreed by God, as we read in Daniel, where it is foretold of him [Antichrist] who is even now at the door : " And none shall, help him " (Dan. xi. 45). In former times no power was able to root out the Pope ; in our own day no one will be able to help him, because Antichrist is revealed. . . . " If scandals occur amongst us," he continues, " let us not forget that they existed in Christ's own circle. The Pharisees were doubtless in glee over our Lord Christ on account of the wickedness of Judas. In the same way the Landgrave has become a Judas to us. Ah, the new prophet has such followers [as Judas, cried the foes of Christ !] What good can come of Christ ? But because they refused to open their eyes to the miracles, they were forced to see Christum Crucifixum and . . . later to see and suffer under Titus. But our sins may obtain pardon and be easily remedied ; it is only necessary that [ . . . ] 3 On the Marcolfus legend (again to be mentioned on the next page), cp. vol. iii., p. 268, n. 4 ; F. H. von der Hagen, " Narrenbuch," Halle, 1811, p. 256 ff., and Rockwell, pp. 160 and 163, where other instances are given of Luther s use of the same figure. 46 the Emperor should forbid [the bigamy], or that our Princes should intercede [for the Hessian], which they are at liberty to do, or that he should repudiate the step he took." " David also fell, and surely there were greater scandals under Moses in the wilderness. Moses caused his own masters to be slain. . . . But God had determined to drive out the heathen, hence the scandals amongst the Jews availed not to prevent it. Thus, too, our sins are pardonable, but not those of the Papists ; for they are contemners of God, crucify Christ and, though they know better, defend their blasphemies." " What advantage do they expect of it," he goes on to ask in an ironical vein ; " they put men to death, but we work for life and take many wives." This he said, according to the notes, " with a joyful countenance and amidst loud laughter." 1 "God has resolved to vex the people, and, when my turn comes, I will give them hard words and tell them to look Marcolfus in anum since they refuse to look him in the face." He then went on : " I don't see why I should trouble myself about the matter. I shall commend it to our God. Should the Macedonian [the Landgrave] desert us, Christ will stand by us, . . . He has surely brought us out of even tighter places. The restitution of Wiirtemberg puts this scandal into the shade, and the Sacra- mentarians and the revolt [of the Peasants] ; and yet God delivered us out of all that." [ . . . ] 1 " Ipsi tamen occidunt homines [heretics], nos laboramus pro vita et ducimus plures uxores. Hcec Icetissimo vultu dixit, non sine magno risu." 2 Cp. ibid., p. 139. 47 [ . . . ] In the conversation on June 18, Luther adopts a forcedly light view of the matter : " It is only a three-months affair, then the whole thing will fizzle out. Would to God Philip would look at it in this light instead of grieving so over it ! . . . " ; . . . " I overlook much worse things than this," he continues. " If anyone says to me : Are you pleased with what has taken place ? I reply : No ; oh, would that I could alter it. Since I cannot, I am resolved to bear it with equanimity. I commit it all to our dear God. Let Him preserve His Church as it now stands in order that it may remain in the unity of faith and doctrine and the pure confession of the Word ; all I hope for is that it may never grow worse ! " " On rising from the table he said cheerfully : I will not give the devil and the Papists the satisfaction of thinking that I am troubled about the matter. God will see to it. To Him we commend the whole." In thus shifting the responsibility from his own shoulders and putting it on God -Whose chosen instrument, even at the most [ . . . ] 48 critical juncture, he would still persuade himself he was he finds the most convenient escape from anxiety and difficulty. It has all been laid upon us by God : " We must put up with the devil and his filth as long as we live." Therefore, forward against the Papists, who seek to conceal their " sodomitic vices " behind this bigamy ! " We may not and shall not yield. Let them do their dirty work and let us lay odds on." 1 . . . " All I hope for is that it may never grow worse." The de- pressing thought implied in these words lingered in the depths of his soul in spite of all his forced merriment and bravado. " Alas, my God, what have we not to put up with from fanatics and scandals ! One follows on the heels of the other ; when this [the bigamy] has been adjusted, then it is certain that something else will spring up, and many new sects will also arise. . . . But God will preserve His Christendom." 2 [ . . . ] 1 Mathesius, " Tischreden," p. 153. 2 Ibid., p. 138. 49 [ . . . ] It is therefore quite correct when Kostlin, in his Biography of Luther, points out, speaking of the Table-Talk : " That there had been sin and scandal, his words by no means deny." 1 Concerning the whole affair Kostlin moreover remarks : " Philip's bigamy is the greatest blot on the history of the Reformation, and remains a blot in Luther's life in spite of everything that can be alleged in explanation or excuse." 2 F. W. Hassencamp, another Protestant, says in his " Hessische Kirchengeschichte " : " His statements at that time concerning his share in the Landgrave's bigamy prove that, mentally, he was on the verge of despair. Low pleasantry and vulgarity are mixed up with threats and words of prayer." " Nowhere does the great Reformer appear so small as here." 3 In the " Historisch-politische Blatter," in 1846, K. E. Jarcke wrote of the Table-Talk concerning the bigamy : " Rarely has any man, however coarse-minded, however blinded by hate and hardened by years of combat against his own conscience, expressed him self more hideously or with greater vulgarity." 4 " After so repeatedly describing himself as the prophet of the Germans," says A. Hausrath, " he ought not to have had the weakness to seek a compromise between morality and policy, but, like the preacher robed in camels hair, he should have boldly told the Hessian Princelet : It is not lawful for you to have her." Hausrath, in 1904, is voicing the opinion of many earlier Protestant historians when he regrets " that, owing to weariness and pressure from with- 1 Kostlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 526. 2 Ibid., p. 478. 3 Thus Hassencamp, vol. i., p. 507, though he was using the earlier editions of the Table-Talk, which are somewhat more circumspect. 4 Vol. xviii., p. 461. 50 out," Luther " sanctioned an exception to God's un- conditional command." " The band of Protestant leaders, once so valiant and upright," so he says, " had for once been caught sleeping. Evening was approaching and the day was drawing in, and the Lord their God had left them." 1 Luther at the Conference of Eisenach. The Landgrave's Indignation. An official conference of theologians and Councillors from Hesse and the Electorate of Saxony met at Eisenach at the instance of Philip on July 15, 1540, in order to deliberate on the best means of escaping the legal difficulty and of satisfying Philip's demand, that the theologians should give him their open support. Luther, too, put in an appear- ance and lost no time in entering into the debate with his wonted bluster. According to one account, on their first arrival, he bitterly reproached (" acerbissimis verbis ") 2 the Hessian theo- logians. The report of the Landgrave's sister says, that his long talk with Philip's Chancellor so affected the latter that the " tears streamed down his cheeks," particularly when Luther rounded on the Hessian Court officials for their too great inclination towards polygamy. 3 Though these reports of the effect of his strictures and exhortations may be exaggerated, no less than the remark of Jonas, who says, that the " Hessians went home from Eisenach with long faces," 4 still it is quite likely that Luther made a great impression on many by his behaviour, particularly by the energy with which he now stood up for the cause of monogamy and appealed to the New Testament on its behalf. Without denying the possibility of an exception in certain rare cases, he now insisted very strongly on the general prohibition. The instructions given to the Hessians showed him plainly that the Landgrave was determined not to conceal his bigamy any longer, or to have it branded as mere con- cubinage ; the theologians, so the document declares, would surely never have advised him to have recourse to sinful 1 " Luthers Leben," 2, 1904, p. 403 f. 2 Gualther, in Rockwell, ibid., p. 186, n. 1. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 51 concubinage. That he was not married to his second wife was a lie, which he would not consent to tell were he to be asked point-blank ; his bigamy was really a dispensation " permitted by God, admitted by the learned, and consented to by his wife." If " hard pressed " he must disclose it. To introduce polygamy generally was of course quite a different matter, and was not to be thought of. 1 Needless to say, Luther was ready enough to back up this last stipu- lation, for his own sake as much as for the Landgrave's. During the first session of the conference, held in the Rathaus at Eisenach, Luther formally and publicly com- mitted himself to the expedient at which he had faintly hinted even previously. He unreservedly proposed the telling of a lie. Should a situation arise where it was necessary to reply " yes " or "no," then they must resign themselves to a downright " No." " What harm would it do," he said on July 15, according to quite trustworthy notes, 2 " if a man told a good, lusty lie in a worthy cause and for the sake of the Christian Churches ? " Similarly he said on July 17 : " To lie in case of necessity, or for convenience, or in excuse, such lying would not be against God ; He was ready to take such lies on Himself." 3 The Protestant historian of the Hessian Bigamy says in excuse of this : " Luther was faced by the problem whether a lie told in case of necessity could be regarded as a sin at all " ; he did not have recourse to the " expedient of a mental reservation fas he had done when recommending an ambiguous reply] " ; he merely absolved " the mendacium officiosum [the useful lie] of sinfulness. This done, Luther could with a good conscience advise the telling of such a lie." 4 [ . . . ] 1 " Philipps Brief wechsel," 1, p. 369 f. 2 Ibid., p. 373. Concerning the notes which the editor calls the " Protokoll," see N. Paulus in " Hist.-pol. Bl.," 135, 1905, p. 323 f. 3 Ibid., p. 375. 4 Rockwell, ibid., p. 179. The Protestant theologian Th. Brieger says (" Luther und die Nebenehe," etc., " Preuss. Jahrb.," 135, 1909, p. 46) : " As is known, in the summer of 1540, when the matter had already been notorious for months, Luther gave the Landgrave the advice, that he should give a flat denial of the step he had taken. . . . A lie of necessity was not against God ; He was ready to take that upon Himself. Just as in our own day men of the highest moral character hold similar views concerning certain forms of the lie of necessity." 52 . . . he gave it to be understood, that, should the Landgrave say he had committed bigamy as a right to which he was entitled, and not as a favour, then he, Luther, was quit of all responsibility ; it was not the confessor's business to give public testimony concerning what had taken place in Confession. 3 Practically, however, according to the notes of the conference, his advice still was that the Landgrave should conceal the bigamy behind the ambiguous declaration that : " Margaret is a concubine." Under the influence of the hostility to the bigamy shown by the Saxon Courts he urged so strongly the Bible arguments against polygamy, that the Hessians began to fear his withdrawal from his older standpoint. The Old-Testament examples, he declared emphatically, could neither " exclude nor bind," i.e. could not settle the matter either way ; Paul's words could not be overthrown ; in the New Testament nothing could be found (in favour of bigamy), " on the contrary the New Testament confirmed the original institu- tion [monogamy] " ; therefore " since both the Divine and the secular law were at one, nothing could be done against it ; he would not take it upon his conscience." It is true, that, on the other side, must be put the statement, that he saw no reason why 1 " Philipps Brief wechsel," 1, p. 373. 2 P. 182. Rockwell (p. 181, n. 4) also reminds us that Luther had written to the Elector : " In matters of Confession it is seemly that both the circumstances and the advice given in Confession " should be kept secret. Luther, in " Lauterbachs Tagebuch," p. 196, see p. 37, n. 2. The Elector wrote to the Landgrave in a letter dated June 27, 1540 (quoted by Rockwell, ibid., from the archives), that the marriage could not be openly discussed, because, otherwise, " the Seal of Confession would be broken in regard to those who had given the dispensation." In this he re-echoes Luther. Rockwell, p. 182 (cp. p. 185, n. 3), thinks, that Luther was following the " more rigorous " theologians of earlier days, who had taught that it was " a mortal sin for the penitent to reveal what the priest had told him." This is not the place to rectify such misunderstandings. 3 Cp. Rockwell, ibid., p. 175, with a reference to Luther s statement of July 17 : If the Landgrave would not be content with a dispensa- tion, " and claimed it as a right, then they were quit of their advice " (" Philipps Brief wechsel," 1, p. 375). It is difficult to follow Luther through all his attempts to evade the issue. 53 the Prince should not take the matter upon his own conscience, declare himself convinced, and thus " set their [the theologians ] consciences free." That he still virtually stood by what had happened, is also seen from his plain statement : " Many things are right before God in the tribunal of conscience, which, to the world, must appear wrong." " In support of this he brought forward the example," so the report of the Conference proceeds, " of the seduction of a virgin and of an illegitimate birth." He also lays stress on the principle that they, the theologians, had merely " to dispense according to God's com- mand in the tribunal of conscience," but were unable to bear witness to it publicly ; . . . Again, for his own safety, he makes a request : " Beg him [the Prince] most diligently to draw in [to keep it secret]," otherwise, so he threatens, he will declare that " Luther acted like a fool, and will take the shame on himself "; he would " say : I made a mistake and I retract it ; he would retract it even at the expense of his own honour ; as for his honour he would pray God to restore it." 1 In a written memorandum which he presented during the Conference he makes a similar threat, which, however, as already shown in the case of Thann (above, p. 40 f.), it is wrong to take as meaning that he really declared he had acted wrongly in the advice given to the Landgrave. He begs the Landgrave, " again to conceal the matter and keep it secret ; for to defend it publicly as right was impossible " ; should the Landgrave, however, be determined, by revealing it, to " cause annoyance and disgrace to our Confession, Churches and Estates," then it was his duty beforehand to consult all these as to whether they were willing to take the responsibility, since without them the matter could not take place and Luther and Melanchthon alone " could do nothing without their authority. And rather than assist in publicly defending it, I would repudiate my advice and Master Philip's [Melanchthon's], were it made public, for it was not a public advice, and is annulled by publication. Or, if this is no use, and they insist on calling it a counsel and not a Confession, 2 which it really was, then I should rather admit that I made a mistake and acted foolishly and now crave for pardon ; for the scandal is great and intoler- able. And my gracious Lord the Landgrave ought not to forget that his Serene Highness was lucky enough in being able to take the girl secretly with a good conscience, by virtue of our advice 1 _" Philipps Briefwechsel," 1, p. 373 f. " Anal. Luth.," ed. Kolde, p. 356 seq. 2 " Bichte," not "Bitte," is clearly the true reading here. 54 in Confession ; seeing that H.S.H. has no need or cause for making the matter public, and can easily keep it secret, which would obviate all this great trouble and misfortune. Beyond this I shall not go." 1 These attempts at explanation and subterfuge to which the sadly embarrassed authors of the " testimony " had recourse were keenly criticised by Feige, the Hessian Chancellor, in the sober, legal replies given by him at the Conference. 2 He pointed out, that : The Landgrave, his master, could not now " regard or admit his marriage to be a mere liaison " ; he would indeed keep it secret so far as in him lay, but deny it he could not with out prejudice to his own honour ; " since it has become so widely known " ; those to whom he had appealed, " as the chiefs of our Christian Churches, for a testimony," viz. Luther and his theologians, must not now leave him in the lurch, "but bar witness, should necessity arise, that he had not acted un- christianly in this matter, or against God." Philip, moreover, from the very first, had no intention of restricting the matter to the private tribunal of conscience ; the request brought by Bucer plainly showed, that he " was publicly petitioning the tribunal of the Church." The fact is that the instructions given to Bucer clearly conveyed the Prince's intention of making public the bigamy and the advice by which it was justified. Hence, proceeded Feige : Out with it plainly, out with the theological grounds which " moved the theologians to grant such a dispensation ! " If these grounds were not against God, then the Landgrave could take his stand on them before the secular law, the Emperor, the Fiscal and the Courts of Justice. Should the theologians, however, really wish to " repudiate " their advice, nothing would be gained ; the scandal would be just as great as if they had " admitted " it ; and further, it would cause a split in their own confession, for the Prince would be obliged to " disclose the advice." Luther wanted to get out of the hole by saying he had acted foolishly ! Did he not see how " detri- mental this would be to his reputation and teaching " ? He should " consider what he had written in his Exposition of Genesis twelve years previously, and that this had never been called into question by any of his disciples or followers." He should remember all that had been done against the Papacy through his work, for which the Bible gave far less sanction than for the dispensation, and which " nevertheless had been accepted and maintained, in opposition to the worldly powers, by an appeal to a Christian Council." Hence the Landgrave must urgently request, concludes Feige, that the theologians would, at least " until the Council," take his part and " admit that what he had done had been agreeable to God." The Saxon representatives present at the Conference 1 " Briefe," 6, p. 272 f., dated July 20, 1540. 2 Kolde, loc. cit., p. 357-360. 55 were, however, ready to follow the course indicated by Luther in case of necessity, viz. to tell a downright lie ; rather than that the Prince should be forced to vindicate openly his position it was better to deny it flatly. They declared, without, however, convincing the Conference, " that a flat denial was less culpable before God and in conscience as could be proved by many examples from Scripture than to cause a great scandal and lamentable falling away of many good people by a plain and open admission and vindication." 1 Philip of Hesse was not particularly edified by the result of the Eisenach Conference. Of all the reports which gradu- ally reached him, those which most aroused his resentment were, first, that Luther should expect him to tell a lie and deny the second marriage, and, secondly, his threat to withdraw the testimony, as issued in error. Luther had, so far, avoided all direct correspondence with the Landgrave concerning the disastrous affair. Now, however, he was forced to make some statement in reply to a not very friendly letter addressed to him by the Prince. 2 In this Philip, alluding to the invitation to tell a lie, says : " I will not lie, for lying has an evil sound and no Apostle or even Christian has ever taught it, nay, Christ has for- bidden it and said we should keep to yea and nay. That I should declare the lady to be a whore, that I refuse to do, for your advice does not permit of it. I should surely have had no need of your advice to take a whore, neither does it do you credit." Yet he declares himself ready to give an " obscure reply," i.e. an ambiguous one ; without need he would not disclose the marriage. Nor does Luther's threat of retracting the advice and of saying that he had " acted foolishly " affright him. The threat he unceremoniously calls a bit of foolery. "As to what you told my Councillors, viz. that, rather than reveal my reasons, you would say you had acted foolishly, please don't commit such folly on my account, for then I will confess the reasons, and, in case of necessity, prove them now or later, unless the witnesses die in the meantime." " Nothing more dreadful has ever come to my ears than that 1 Kolde, loc. cit., p. 362 seq. 2 Dated July 18, 1540, " Philipps Brief wechsel," 1, p. 380 ff. 56 it should have occurred to a brave man to retract what he had granted by a written dispensation to a troubled conscience. If you can answer for it to God, why do you fear and shrink from the world ? If the matter is right in conscientia before the Almighty, the Eternal and Immortal God, what does the accursed, sodomitic, usurious and besotted world matter ? " Here he is using the very words in which Luther was wont to speak of the world and of the contempt with which it should be met. He proceeds with a touch of sarcasm : " Would to God that you and your like would inveigh against and punish those in whom you see such things daily, i.e. adultery, usury and drunkenness and who yet are supposed to be members of the Church not merely in writings and sermons but with serious considera- tions and the ban which the Apostles employed, in order that the whole world may not be scandalised. You see these things, yet what do you and the others do ? " In thus finding fault with the Wittenberg habits, he would appear to include the Elector of Saxony, who had a reputation for intemperance. He knew that Luther's present attitude was in part determined by consideration for his sovereign. In his irritation he also has a sly hit at the Wittenberg theologians : At Eisenach his love for the " lady " (Margaret) had been looked upon askance ; " I confess that I love her, but in all honour. . . . But that I should have taken her because she pleased me, that is only natural, for I see that you holy people also take those that please you. Therefore you may well bear with me, a poor sinner." Luther replied on July 24, l that he had not deserved that the Landgrave should write to him in so angry a tone. The latter was wrong in supposing, that he wanted to get his neck out of the noose and was not doing all that he could to " serve the Prince humbly and faithfully." It was not no his own account that he wished to keep his advice secret ; " for though all the devils wished the advice to be made public, I would give them by God's Grace such an answer that they would not find any fault in it." It was, so Luther says in this letter, a secret counsel as " all the devils " knew, the keeping secret of which he had requested, " with all diligence," and which, even at the worst, he would be 1 " Briefe," ed. De Wette, 6, p. 273 ff. 57 the last to bring to light. That he, or the Prince himself, was bound to silence by the Seal of Confession, he does not say, though this would have been the place to emphasize it. He merely states that he knew what, in the case of a troubled conscience, " might be remitted out of mercy before God," and what was not right apart from this necessity. " I should be sorry to see your Serene Highness starting a literary feud with me." It was true he could not allow the Prince, who was " of the same faith " as himself, " to incur danger and disgrace " ; but, should he disclose the counsel, the theologians would not be in a position to " get him out of the bother," because, in the eyes of the world, " even a hundred Luthers, Philips and others " could not change the law ; the secret marriage could never be publicly held as valid, though valid in the tribunal of conscience. He wished to press the matter before the worldly authorities ; but here the Prince's marriage would never be acknowledged ; he would only be exposing himself to penalties, and withdrawing himself from the " protection and assistance of the Divine Judgment " under which he stood so long as he regarded it as a marriage merely in conscience. In this letter Luther opposes the " making public of the advice," which he dreaded, by the most powerful motive at his command : The result of the disclosure would be, that " at last your Serene Highness would be obliged to put away your sweet- heart as a mere whore." He would do better to allow her to be now regarded as a " whore, although to us three, i.e. in God's sight, she is really a wedded concubine " ; in all this the Prince would still have a good conscience, " for the whole affair was due to his distress of conscience, as we believe, and, hence, to your Serene Highness's conscience, she is no mere prostitute." [ . . . ] 58 . . . He also gives Philip to understand that he will get a taste of the real Luther should he not obey him, or should he expose him by publishing the " advice," or otherwise in writing. He says : " If it comes to writing I shall know how to extricate myself and leave your Serene Highness sticking in the mud, but this I shall not do unless I can't help it." The Prince's allusion to the Emperor's anger which must be avoided, did not affright Luther in the least. In his concluding words his conviction of his mission and the thought of the anti-Evangelical attitude of the Emperor carry him away. " Were this menace to become earnest, I should tweak the Emperor's forelock, confront him with his practices and read him a good lecture on the texts : Every man is a liar and Put not your trust in Princes. Was he not indeed a liar and a false man, he who rages against God's own truth, " i.e. opposes Luther's Evangel ? Faced by such unbounded defiance Philip and his luckless bigamy, in spite of the assurance he saw fit to assume, seemed indeed in a bad way. One can feel how Luther despised the man. In spite of his painful embarrassment, he is aware of his advantage. He indeed stood in need of the Landgrave's assistance in the matter of the new Church system, but the latter was entirely dependent on Luther's help in his disastrous affair. Hence Philip, in his reply, is more amiable, though he really demolishes Luther's objections. This reply he sent the day after receiving Luther's letter. 1 [ . . . ] 1 On July 27, " Philipps Briefwechsel," 1, p. 385 ff. 59 [ . . . ] As to telling a downright lie, that was impossible, because the marriage contract was in the hands of his second wife's friends, who would at once take him to task. . . . He waxes sarcastic about Luther s remark, that the world would never acknowledge her as his wife, hinting that Luther's own wife, and the consorts of the other preachers who had formerly been monks or priests, were likewise not regarded by the imperial lawyers as lawful wedded wives. He looked upon Margaret as his " wife according to God s Word and your advice ; such is God's will ; the world may regard our wife, yours and the other preachers as it pleases." [ . . . ] 60 [ . . . ] Melanchthon s Complaints. Melanchthon, as was usual with him, adopted a different tone from Luther's in the matter. He was very sad, and wrote lengthy letters of advice. As early as June 15, to ease his mind, he sent one to the Elector Johann Frederick, containing numerous arguments against polygamy, but leaving open the possibility of secret bigamy. 1 Friends informed the Landgrave that anxiety about the bigamy was the cause of Melanchthon's serious illness. Philip, on the other hand, wrote, that it was the Saxon Courts which were worrying him. 2 Owing to his weakness he was unable to take part in the negotiations at Eisenach. On his return to Wittenberg he declared aloud 1 Rockwell, loc. cit., p. 190. Cp. p. 61. 2 Ibid., p. 192, from Philip s letter to Luther, on July 18. 61 that he and Luther had been outwitted by the malice of Philip of Hesse. The latter's want of secrecy seemed to show the treasonable character of the intrigue. To Camer- arius he wrote on Aug. 24 : " We are disgraced by a horrid business concerning which I must say nothing. I will give you the details in due time." 1 On Sep. 1, he admits in a letter to Veit Dietrich : " We have been deceived, under a semblance of piety, by another Jason, Avho protested con- scientious motives in seeking our assistance, and who even swore that this expedient was essential for him." 2 He thus gives his friend a peep into the Wittenberg advice, of which he was the draughtsman, and in which he, unlike Luther, could see nothing that came under the Seal of Confession. The name of the deceitful polygamist Jason he borrows from Terence, 011 whom he was then lecturing. Since Luther, about the same time, also quotes from Terence when speaking at table about Philip's bigamy, we may infer that he and Melanchthon had exchanged ideas on the work in question (the " Adelphi "). Melanchthon was also fond of dubbing the Hessian " Alcibiades " on account of his dissem- bling and cunning. 3 Most remarkable, however, is the assertion he makes in his annoyance, viz. that the Landgrave was on the point of losing his reason : " This is the beginning of his insanity." 4 [ . . . ] Melanchthon became very sensitive to any mention of the Hessian bigamy. . . . 1 Rockwell, loc. cit., p. 193. 2 Ibid., p. 194. 3 " Alcibiadea natura non Achillea.^ "Corp. ref.," 3, p. 1079. Cp. 4, p. 116. Rockwell, ibid., p. 194. 4 " Hcec sunt principia furoris." Mathesius, " Tischreden," p. 143. Above, p. 45. [ . . . ] 62 [ . . . ] Brooding over the permission given, the scholar sought earnestly for grounds of excuse for the bigamy. " I looked well into it beforehand," he writes in 1543, " I also told the Doctor [Luther] to weigh well whether he could be mixed up in the affair. There are, however, circumstances of which the women [their Ducal opponents at Meissen] are not aware, and understand not. The man [the Landgrave] has many strange ideas on the Deity. He also confided to me things which I have told no one but Dr. Martin ; on account of all this we have had no small trouble." 2 We must not press the contradiction this presents to Melanchthon's other statement concerning the Prince's hypocrisy. Melanchthon's earlier letter dated Sep. 1, 1540, Camer- arius ventured to publish in the collection of his friend's letters only with omissions and additions which altered the meaning. Until 1904 this letter, like Melanchthon's other letter on Luther s marriage (vol. ii., p. 176), was only known in the amended form. W. Rockwell has now published the following suppressed passages from the original in the Chigiana at Rome, according to the manuscript prepared by Nicholas Mxiller for the new edition of Melanchthon s correspondence. Here Melanchthon speaks out plainly without being conscious of any " Secret of Confession," and sees little objection to the complete publication by the Wittenbergers of their advice. " I blame no one in this matter except the man who deceived us with a simulated piety ( simulations pietatis fe/ellit ). Nor did he adhere to our trusty counsel [to keep the matter secret]. He swore that the remedy was necessary. Therefore, that the universal biblical precept [concerning the unity of marriage] : They shall be two in one [ . . . ] 2 To the Elector Johann Frederick, March, 1543, see Rockwell p. 199 f., from archives. Rockwell quotes the following from a passage in which several words have been struck out : "I have always pre- ferred that he [...?] should deal with the matter, than that he should altogether [ . . .?]." Was the meaning : He preferred that Luther should be involved in such an affair rather than that he [the Landgrave] should desert their party altogether ? Other utterances of Melanchthon's and Luther's, given above, would favour this sense. 63 flesh might be preserved, we counselled him, secretly, and without giving scandal to others, to make use of the remedy in case of necessity. I will not be judge of his conscience, for he still sticks to his assertion ; but the scandal he might well have avoided had he chosen. Either [what follows is in Greek] love got the upper hand, or here is the beginning and foretaste of that insanity which runs in the family. Luther blamed him severely and he thereupon promised to keep silence. But . . . [Melanchthon has crossed out the next sentence : As time goes on he changes his views] whatever he may do in the matter, we are free to publish our decision ( edere sententiam nostram ) ; for in it too we vindicated the law. He himself told me, that formerly he had thought otherwise, but certain people had con- vinced him that the thing was quite indifferent. He has un-learned men about him who have written him long dissertations, and who are not a little angry with me because I blamed them to their teeth. But in the beginning we were ignorant of their prejudices." He goes on to speak of Philip as " depraved by an Alcibiadean nature ( Alcibiadea natura perditus )," an expression which also fell under the red pencil of the first editor, Camerarius. 1 [ . . . ] 1 Rockwell, ibid., p. 194. Text of Camerarius in " Corp. ref.," 3, p. 1077 seq. [ . . . ] 71 [ . . . ] Opinions Old and New Regarding the Bigamy. As more light began to be thrown on the history of the bigamy, Protestant historians, even apart from those already mentioned, were not slow in expressing their strong con- demnation, as indeed was only to be expected. Julius Boehmer, in outspoken language, points to " the unfortunate fact " that " Luther, in his old age, became weak, nay, flabby in his moral judgments and allowed himself to be guided by political and diplomatic considerations, and not by truth alone and an uncorruptible conscience."* Walter Kohler, in the " Historische Zeitschrift," has thrown a strong light on the person and the motives of the Landgrave. 5 Whilst admitting that Philip may have suffered from remorse [ . . . ] 4 " Luthers Werke fur das deutsche Volk," 1907, Introd., p. xvi. 5 Bd. 94, 1905, p. 385 ff. 72 of conscience and depression, he shows how these were " in great part due to his physical deterioration, his unrestrained excesses having brought on him syphilis in its worst form ; sores broke out on his hands and he suffered from trouble with the throat." His resolution to commit bigamy also sprang from the same source, " not from a sudden realisation of the wickedness of his life, but simply from the sense of his physical bankruptcy." Besides, as Kohler points out, the Landgrave's intention was not at first to marry Margaret, but rather to maintain her as a kept woman and so render excesses unnecessary. Philip, how ever, was unable to get her as a concubine, owing to the opposition of her mother, who demanded for her daughter the rank of princess and wife. Hence the idea of a bigamy. [ . . . ] As for the concealment, and the secrecy in which the sanction of the bigamy was shrouded, G. Ellinger considers, that the decision of Luther and his friends " became absolutely immoral only through the concealment enjoined by the reformers." In consequence of the matter being made a secret of conscience, " the second wife would seem to the world a concubine " ; hence not only the first wife, but also the second would suffer degrada- tion. The second wife's relatives had given their consent " only on the hypothesis of a real marriage " ; this too was what Philip intended ; yet Luther wished him to tell the Emperor that she was a mere concubine ; the Landgrave, however, refused to break the word he had given, and " repudiated Luther's suggestion that he should tell a lie." 2 Another Protestant, the historian Paul Tschackert, has recently characterised the Hessian affair as " a dirty story." " It is, and must remain," he says, " a shameful blot on the German Reformation and the life of our reformers. We do not wish to gloss it over, still less to excuse it." 3 Yet, notably in modern theological literature, some Protestants have seemed anxious to palliate the affair. An attempt is made to place the Wittenberg advice and Luther s subsequent conduct in a more favourable light by empha- sising more than heretofore the secrecy of the advice given, [ . . . ] 2 " Phil. Melanchthon," pp. 378, 382. 3 " Die Entstehung der lutherischen und reformierten Kirchen- lehre," Gottingen, 1910, p. 271. 73 which Luther did not consider himself justified in revealing under any circumstances, and the publication of which the Landgrave was unjustly demanding. It is also urged, that the ecclesiastical influence of the Middle Ages played its part in Luther's sanction of the bigamy. One author even writes : " the determining factor may have been," that " at the critical moment the reformer made way for the priest and confessor " ; elsewhere the same author says : " Thus the Reformation begins with a mediaeval scene." Another Protestant theologian thinks that " the tendency, taken over from the Catholic Church," to treat the marriage pro- hibitions as aspects of the natural law was really respons- ible ; in Luther s evangelical morality " there was a good lump of Romish morality, worthless quartz mingled with good metal " ; " Catholic scruples " had dimmed Luther s judgment in the matter of polygamy ; to us the idea of bigamy appears " simply monstrous," " but this is a result of age-long habits "; in the 16th century people thought " very differently." In the face of the detailed quotations from actual sources already given in the present chapter, all such opinions not merely Luther's own appeal to a " secret of confession," invented by himself are seen to be utterly unhistorical. Particularly so is the reference to the Catholic Middle Ages. It was just the Middle Ages, and the ecclesiastical tradition of earlier times, which excited among Luther s contem- poraries, even those of his own party, such opposition to the bigamy wherever news of the same penetrated in any shape or form. 1 In the following we shall quote a few opinions of 16th-century Protestants not yet mentioned. With the historian their unanimous verdict must weigh more heavily in the scale than modern theories, which, other considerations apart, labour under the disadvantage of having been brought forward long after the event and the expressions of opinion which accompanied it, to bolster up views commonly held to-day. 2 1 That the death penalty for bigamy also dated from the Middle Ages need hardly be pointed out. 2 For the proofs which follow we may refer to the selection made by N. Paulus (" Hist.-pol. Bl.," 147, 1911, p. 503 ff., 561 ff.) in the article " Die hessische Doppelehe im Urteile der protest. Zeitge- nossen." 74 The bigamy was so strongly opposed to public opinion and thus presumably to the tradition handed down from the Middle Ages, that Nicholas von Amsdorf, Luther's friend, declared the step taken by Philip constituted " a mockery and insult to the Holy Gospel and a scandal to the whole of Christendom." 1 He thought as did Justus Jonas, who exclaimed : " Oh, what a great scandal ! " and, " Who is not aghast at so great and calamitous a scandal ? " Erasmus Alber, preacher at Marburg, speaks of the "awful scandal" (" immane scandalum") which must result. 3 In a letter to the Landgrave in which the Hessian preacher, Anton Corvinus, fears a " great falling away " on account of the affair, he also says, that the world will not " in any way " hear of such a marriage being lawful ; his only advice was : Your Serene Highness must take the matter to heart and, on occasion, have recourse to lying." 4 To tell a deliberate untruth, as already explained (pp. 29, 53), appeared to other preachers likewise the only possible expedient with which to meet the universal reprobation of contemporaries who judged of the matter from their " mediaeval " standpoint. Justus Menius, the Thuringian preacher, in his work against polygamy mentioned above, appealed to the universal, Divine "prohibition which forbids and restrains us," a prohibition which applied equally to the " great ones " and allowed of no dispensation. He also pointed out the demoralising effect of a removal of the prohibition in individual cases and the cunning of the devil who wished thereby " to brand the beloved Evangel with infamy." 5 Philip had defiled the Church with filth (" fcedissime "), so wrote Johann Brenz, the leader of the innovations in Wiirtem- berg. After such an example he scarcely dared to raise his eyes in the presence of honourable women, seeing what an insult this was to them. 6 Not to show how reprehensible was the deed, but merely to demonstrate anew how little ground there was for throwing the responsibility on the earlier ages of the Church, we may recall that the Elector, Johann Frederick of Saxony, on first learning of the project through Bucer, expressed his " horror," and two days later informed the Landgrave through Briick, that such a thing had been unheard of for ages and the law of the land and the tradition of the whole of Christendom were likewise against 1 Amsdorfs " Bedenken," probably from the latter end of June, 1540, published by Rockwell, ibid., p. 324. 2 " Briefwechsel des Jonas," 1, pp. 394, 396. Above, p. 27, n. 1. Further details in Paulus, ibid., p. 562. 3 Jonas, ibid., p. 397. 4 P. Tschackert, " Briefwechsel des Anton Corvinus," 1900, p. 79. Paulus, ibid., p. 563. 5 G. T. Schmidt, " Justus Menius iiber die Bigamie." (" Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol.," 38, 1868, p. 445 ff. More from it in Paulus, p. 565. Cp. Rockwell, ibid., p. 126.) 6 Th. Pressel, " Anecdota Brentiana," 1868, p. 210 : " Commacu- lavit ecclesiam temeritate sua foedissime." 75 it. It is true that he allowed himself to be pacified and sent his representative to the wedding, but afterwards he again declared with disapproval, that the whole world, and all Christians without distinction, would declare the Emperor right should he interfere ; he also instructed his minister at the Court of Dresden to deny that the Elector or the Wittenberg theologians had had any hand in the matter. 1 Other Princes and politicians belonging to the new faith left on record strong expressions of their disapproval ; for instance : Elector Joachim II of Brandenburg, Duke Ulrich of Wiirtemberg, King Christian III of Denmark, the Strasburg statesman Jacob Sturm and the Augsburg ambassador David Dettigkof er. 2 To the latter the news was frightful tidings from which would result great scandal, a hindrance to and a falling away from the Holy Evangel." 3 All there now remains to do is to illustrate, by statements made by Protestants in earlier and more recent times, two important points connected with the Hessian episode ; viz. the unhappy part which politics played in Luther's attitude, and what he said on lying. Here, again, during the last ten years there has been a movement in Luther's favour amongst many Protestant theologians. Concerning the part of politics W. Rockwell, the historian of the bigamy, openly admits, that : " By his threat of seeking protection from the Emperor for his bigamy, Philip overcame the unwillingness of the Wittenbergers to grant the requested dispensation." 4 "It is clear," he also says, " that political pressure was brought to bear on the Witten- bergeis by the Landgrave, and that to this pressure they yielded." 5 That consideration for the effect his decision was likely to have on the attitude of the Landgrave weighed heavily in the balance with Luther in the matter of his " testimony," it is scarcely possible to deny, after what we have seen. " The Hessian may fall away from us " (above, p. 46), such was one of the fears which undoubtedly had something to do with his compliance. To inspire such fear was plainly the object of Philip s threat, that, should the Wittenbergers not prove amenable, he would make advances to the Emperor and the Pope, and the repeated allusions made by Luther and his friends to their dread of such a step, and of his falling away, show how his threat continued to ring in their ears. 6 1 Paulus, ibid., p. 569 f. 2 Ibid., p. 570 ff. 3 Fr. Roth, " Augsburgs Reformationsgesch.," 3, 1907, p. 56. 4 Ibid., p. 95. 5 Ibid., p. 154. 6 See above, p. 18, 21 f., 46, 62 n. 2. 76 Bucer declared he had himself agreed to the bigamy from fear lest Philip should otherwise be lost to the Evangelical cause, 1 and his feelings were doubtless shared at Wittenberg. Melanchthon speaks not merely of a possible attempt on Philip's part to obtain the Emperor's sanction to his marriage, but of an actual threat to leave the party in the lurch. 2 Johann Brenz, as soon as news reached him in Wiirtemberg of the Landgrave s hint of an appeal to the Emperor, saw in it a threat to turn his back on the protesting party. 3 All three probably believed that at heart the Landgrave would remain true to the new faith, but what Luther had chiefly in view was Philip's position as head of the Schmalkalden League. The result was all the more tragic. The compliance wrung from the Wittenbergers failed to protect the party from the evil they were so desirous of warding off. Philip's recon- ciliation with the Emperor, as already pointed out, was very detrimental to the Schmalkalden League, however insincere his motives may have been. On this point G. Kawerau says : 4 "In the Landgrave's resolution to address himself to the Emperor and the Pope, of which they were informed, they [Luther and Melanchthon] saw a public scandal, a publica offensio, which they sought to obviate by demanding absolute secrecy." 5 " But the disastrous political consequences did, in the event, make their appearance. . . . The zealously promoted alliance with Francois I, to which even the Saxon Elector was not averse, came to nothing and Denmark and Sweden s overtures had to be repelled. The prime- mover in the Schmalkalden League was himself obliged to cripple the League. The dreaded champion of the Evangel became the tool of the Imperial policy (v. Bezold). From that time forward his position lacked precision and his strong initiative was gone." G. Ellinger, in his study on Melanchthon, writes : "It can scarcely be gainsaid that Luther and Melanchthon allowed them- selves in a moment of weakness to be influenced by the weight of these considerations." The petition, he explains, had been 1 Kostlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 475. Cp. Kolde, " Luther," 2, p. 489, and " RE. fiir prot. Theol.," 15 3 , p. 310. 2 " Defectionem etiam minitabatur, si nos consulere ei nollemus." To Camerarius, Aug. 24, 1540, " Corp. ref.," 3, p. 1079. Cp. p. 863. Above, p. 62. 3 " Hoc fere tantumdcm cst ac si minatus esset, se ab Evangelio defecturum." Pressel, p. 211. 4 Moller, " Lehrb. der KG.," 3 3 , p. 146 f. 6 The scandal lay rather elsewhere. According to Kawerau Luther s " principal motive was his desire to save the Landgrave s soul by means of an expedient, which, though it did not correspond with the perfect idea of marriage, was not directly forbidden by God, and in certain circumstances had even been permitted. The questionable nature of this advice is, however, evident," etc. 77 warmly urged upon the Wittenbergers from a political point of view by Bucer, the intermediary. " If Bucer showed himself favourable to the Landgrave's views this was due to his wish to preserve thereby the Evangelical cause from the loss of its most doughty champion ; for Philip had told him in confidence, that, in the event of the Wittenbergers and the Saxon Electorate refusing their consent, he intended to address himself directly to the Emperor and the Pope in order to obtain sanction for his bigamy." The Landgrave already, in the summer of 1534, had entertained the idea of approaching the Emperor, and in the spring of 1535 had made proposals to this end. " It can hardly be doubted that in Bucer's case political reasons turned the scale." Ellinger refers both to the admission made by Melanchthon and to the significant warning against the Emperor with which the letter of Dispensation closes. 1 The strongest reprobation of the evil influence exerted over Luther by politics comes, however, from Adolf Hausrath. 2 He makes it clear, that, at Wittenberg, they were aware that Protestantism " would assume quite another aspect were the mighty Protestant leader to go over to the Pope or the Emperor ; never has " the demoralising character of all politics " been more shamefully revealed ; " eternal principles were sacrificed to the needs of the moment " ; " Philip had to be retained at any cost." Hence came the " great moral defeat " and Luther's " fall." This indignant language on the part of the Heidelberg historian of the Church has recently been described by a learned theologian on the Protestant side as both " offen- sive " and uncalled for. Considering Luther's bold char- acter it is surely very improbable, that an attempt to intimidate him would have had any effect except " to arouse his spirit of defiance " ; not under the influence of mere " opportunism " did he act, but, rather, after having, as a confessor, heard " the cry of deep distress " he sought to come to " the aid of a suffering conscience." In answer to this we must refer the reader to what has gone before, where this view, which seems a favourite with some moderns, has already sufficiently been dealt with. It need only be added, that the learned author says of the bigamy, that " a fatal blunder " was made by Luther . . . but only because the mediaeval confessor intervened. " The reformer was not able in every season and situation to assert the new religious principle which we owe to him ; hence we have merely one of many instances of failure, though one that may well be termed grotesque and is scarcely to be matched." " Nothing 1 " Phil. Melanchthon," pp. 378, 382. 2 " Luthers Leben," 2, p. 393 ff. 78 did more to hinder the triumphal progress of the Reforma- tion than the Landgrave's Turkish marriage. As to the argument drawn from Luther s boldness and defiance, a Protestant has pointed out, that we are not compelled to regard any compliance from motives of policy as " abso- lutely precluded " ; to say that " political expediency played no part whatever in Luther's case " is " going a little too far." " Did then Luther never allow any room to political considerations ? Even, for instance, in the question of armed resistance to the Emperor ? 1 Referring to Luther s notorious utterance on lying, G. Ellinger, the Protestant biographer of Melanchthon, says : Luther s readiness to deny what had taken place is " one of the most unpleasing episodes in his life and bears sad testimony to the frailty of human nature." His statements at the Eisenach Conference " show how even a great man was driven from the path of rectitude by the blending of politics with religion. He advised a good, downright lie that the world might be saved from a scandal. ... It is sad to see a great man thus led astray, though at the same time we must remember, that, from the very start, the whole transaction had been falsified by the proposal to conceal it." 2 Th. Kolde says in a similar strain, in a work which is otherwise decidedly favourable to Luther, " Greater offence than that given by the advice itself is given by the attitude which the reformers took up towards it at a later date." 3 " The most immoral part of the whole business," so Frederick von Bezold says in his " Geschichte der deutschen Reformation," " lay in the advice given by the theologians that the world should be imposed upon. ... A man [Luther] who once had been determined to sacrifice himself and the whole world rather than the truth, is now satisfied with a petty justification for his falling away from his own principles." 4 And, to conclude with the most recent biographer of Luther, Adolf Hausrath thus criticises the invitation to tell a " downright lie " : " It is indeed sad to 1 O. Clemen, " Zeitschr. f. KG.," 30, 1909, p. 389 f. Cp. the views of the Protestant historians, K. Wenck, H. Virck and W. Kohler, adduced by Paulus (loc. cit., p. 515), who all admit the working of political pressure. 2 " Phil. Melanchthon," pp. 382, 383. 3 Bd., 2, p. 488 f. * Page 736. 79 see the position into which the ecclesiastical leaders had brought themselves, and how, with devilish logic, one false step induced them to take another which was yet worse." 1 This notwithstanding, the following opinion of a defender of Luther (1909) has not failed to find supporters in the Protestant world : " The number of those who in the reformation-period had already outgrown the lax mediaeval view regarding the require ments of the love of truth was probably not very great. One man, however, towers in this respect above all his contemporaries, viz. Luther. He it was who first taught us what truthfulness really is. The Catholic Church, which repudiated his teaching, knows it not even to this day." " A truthfulness which dis- regards all else," nay, a " positive horror for all duplicity " is, according to this writer, the distinguishing mark of Luther's life. 1 " Luthers Leben/ 2, p. 403.